黑白导读

FT上总会有一些人认为许知远是在拿着英磅对中国故作呻吟，只是用文字对现状进行着不经意的描述，却从来也不提什么具体的建议。即便从某些角度来看似乎的确是这样，但在我看来，许知远起码是一个真正独立思考并将其付之于笔墨的观察者。在这样一个浮躁的时代，又有多少人能做到这一点。

对于下面转载的《对话的困境（四）》，我个人认为是该系列刊发至今最好的一篇。剖析了那些类如twitter上近乎疯狂的所谓“异见者”们的行为心理及其衍生影响的小众心态。所谓公众社会意见领袖也好，异见者也好，有时的确不如真正的观察者更有力量。

而对于《错失的十年》，仅标题就正合我的观点：这两年，主旋律媒体的无数颂歌赞美着三十年和六十年的成就，做着1978和2008，1949和2009之间的数字游戏。但又有多少人敢将最近的十年进行比较——比之1999，现在的社会，谁又能够说出民众的生活有了多大的改善。“改善”已经是很温和的词了，也许用一些它的反义词，倒是有不少恰如其分。

 

在中国经济成长最迅速的十年里，中国私营企业家最热衷的活动是登山，自由知识分子则大谈基督教。

——许知远 《对话的困境》

有人认为，既然民主试验屡遭失败，自由市场陷入金融危机，那么中国或许找到了它的独特模式。

——许知远 《错失的十年》

 

本系列全部文章请见：许知远 FT中文网 专栏 《2009:中国纪事》

 

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对话的困境（四）
英国《金融时报》中文网专栏作家 许知远 2009-11-19

原文链接：http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001029824?page=1

 

在此刻的中国，你可以读到任何东西，但很多人根本不知道这些东西的存在，我们有了互联网，但它没有带来太多的改变。

戴晴这样说。二十年前，她在中国无人不知，一个勇敢、富有才华的新闻记者，不懈的社会活动家。她对寻求真相抱有异乎寻常的热忱，她追寻王实味、储安平的命运。他们都因拒绝在意识形态面前放弃个人的正直和独立的思想，而被淹没在扭曲的历史烟尘中。她编辑出版了第一本关于三峡工程的重要文集，提醒人们注意它可能导致灾难性后果。她也体验过牢狱之灾。

在过去二十年中，她仍勤奋写作，投身环保活动，但年轻一代已经很少知晓她了。她最近出版的关于张东荪的传记，只能在香港与台湾发行。她当年倾力反对的三峡工程，则一步一步、不可阻挡地成为现实。在此刻中国的公共空间，她的声音消失了。它不是来自于直接的压力与限制，而是让你淹没在更多、更杂乱的信息中，它让你的言论无法转化成有效的行动，而使言论仅仅沦为一种姿态，听众们则变得厌倦、以至于反感。

三峡工程再恰当不过反应出这种新的现实。一九九零年代初，富有正义的学者们仍极力表明自己的反对，即使一向被视作像皮图章的全国人大都有三分之一的代表表明自己的否定立场。但引人争议的工程最终还是在政治权力的主导下通过了，不同意见的专家被剔除出顾问名单。在接下来的十年中，巨大的移民工程、环境的隐患，吸引了新闻记者的注意，他们见证、描述了大工程下的个人悲剧。他们甚至也揭露出，工程所需的投入比当初计划得要多得多，带来的经济前景则不似当初描绘的美好。但工程已经开始，它有了自身的逻辑，很多组织和个人，都依赖它获取现实利益。而且它是因政治原因而起，终止它则意味着某种政治决策的失误。新一代的政治人物既不愿意冒险去否定上一代的遗产，也不愿意承担未来的历史责任。二零零六年五月二十日，当三峡大坝最后一方混凝土浇筑完毕时，没有一位高级别的官员出现在现场。

似乎没有什么力量，能够停顿大坝继续生长。它变得越高大，质疑的声音就愈显微弱。而当抗议只能停留在表层现实，不能进入深入的分析，或通过已有的组织转为行动时，抗议就变得雷同，让人厌倦，公众转而寻找更新鲜有趣的东西。抗议者也身陷无力，而只能更加强调自己的姿态。贾樟柯二零零七年的电影《三峡好人》像是无力情绪的隐喻——错误难以被纠正，一切都已发生，我们最后能做的仅仅是将抗议转化成审美经验。

三峡工程不也正是过去二十年中国社会的隐喻吗？所有的异议声音，都将被某种方式吞噬和挤压掉。这个过程不是一九五七年百花齐放之后的万马齐喑，也不是一九八九年之后的肃杀冷漠，而是让你缓慢地自我放弃，不可救药地被边缘化。

如果说戴晴仍因昔日名声和活跃，仍因居住在中国，而被视作一个标志性的人物，那么这次在法兰克福书展中与她同时倍受争议的贝岭，则更少为人知。多年前，我第一次读到他编辑的《倾向》。那是一九九九年的夏天，我坐在北京大学东门外一条小巷中的一间咖啡馆里发呆。临桌一个瘦弱的男子正从书包里拿出那几本书，这不是公开发行的出版物，他正在说服咖啡店的老板能够代卖，这多少有一点点风险。我记得当时随手翻阅过，却没有购买。我和朋友们在兴致盎然的谈论去做一个网站。对我们来说，硅谷是这个时代的中心，即使你热爱写作，也该去思考数字年代的商业规则，或是创办一本像《连线》这样的杂志。《倾向》仍在谈论思想、文学、甚至是流亡作家，它显得太陈旧了，似乎和这个充满希望、机会蜂拥而来的中国社会脱了节。我们都还年轻，希望自己迅速富有、著名、被人喜爱，从硅谷到中关村，一些青年人已经展现了他们直线式的成功奇迹。谁想成为一个愁眉苦脸的流亡作家？

这六十年的中国真是个奇妙历程。前三十年，人们经历了奥威尔的噩梦。他害怕的是那些强行禁书的人，信息被掩盖，真理被隐瞒，文化受控制。如今奥威尔的噩梦尚未完全醒来，赫胥黎的梦魇又叠加了上来，不需要努力的禁书，没有人愿意读书，汪洋如海的信息吞噬了人们的思考，真理被淹没在无聊烦琐的世事中，文化成为充满感官刺激、欲望和无规则游戏的庸俗文化……

我忘记是怎样逐渐知道贝岭的，或许是因为我实在没有能力让自己在新经济浪潮中变得成功和富有。我买到了能买到的所有《倾向》，还找到了他编辑的哈维尔的文集。我喜欢他语言的紧张感，尽管这大有模仿苏珊·桑塔格之嫌。我也得知他创办的中国流亡作家的笔会，我的几个大学时代的朋友也是其中的会员。但对于他们，我似乎总保持着某种距离。似乎是在潜意识里担心自己也会被驱赶到一个边缘地带。他们用中文写作，声音却无法被中国公众听到。与画家或是电影导演不同，他们的语言是地域性的，只有很少人的作品有机会被翻译成别的语言。读一首北岛的英文诗，和看一部有英文字幕的张艺谋的电影，完全是两回事。他们唯一抵达中国公众的方式是网络，但这经常变成了一个滑稽剧场。对中国现状的批评，经常滑向了习惯性的嘲讽。因为中国的问题太多了，所有的问题似乎都遵循同样简单的逻辑，而它们很难因为批评而改变，所以这些嘲讽和批评就不得不一次次重复，直到有一天变成了烦躁的谩骂。

对于一个异议作家，这真是个让人沮丧的游戏。最初你持有对现实的批评态度，是个自由派，但在某一刻你或有意或无意触碰了某个敏感边界，然后你被贴上了“异议”的名称。然后你的名字在公开出版物上消失了。它不仅是政治压力的结果，也因为出版社与媒体的自我审查。他们只能寻求在海外华人的出版物或是网络上表达意见。它感觉自己的表达空间被迅速压缩和抽象，然后不由自主焦躁和压抑，还有一个作家被读者遗忘的恐惧。只有很少的人能在这新的现实中，重新寻找自我，探索写作的意义。大部分人则在海外中文出版物和网络空间上，加倍表现自己的愤怒，他们开始沦为自己姿态的俘虏，他们原本的丰富性和延展性被抽干了，他们“异议”的身份逐渐强烈，而“作家”与“知识分子”的身份减弱。但他们中的很多都是自省之人，他们知道自己陷入了心理危机，于是很多人转而寻求更强大的精神慰籍。在过去的十年中，异议知识分子大规模投身基督教，多少像是这种心理危机的反应。这真是黑色的幽默，在中国经济成长最迅速的十年里，中国最成功的私营企业家最热衷的活动是登山，而且是集体性的，倘若一场雪崩到来，很多企业可能一下子陷入困境。而在中国问题变得日益复杂的十年里，自由知识分子则大谈基督教。八十年，朱利安·本达把那些投身于激烈的民族主义和意识形态之中的潮流，称作“知识分子的背叛”，而如今中国知识分子对基督教突然性、不加分析地拥抱，是另一种背叛吗？

用背叛似乎太残酷了。在中国成为一个异议者从来充满风险。“在我们的文明中只有两种异议者：天真的英雄和标新立异艺术家”，匈牙利作家米克洛斯·哈拉兹蒂曾写道，“他们都注定变得无关紧要。”在米克洛斯写下这些文字的二十世纪八十年代初，匈牙利模式正大获全胜。匈牙利政府在一九六零年代中期引入了市场经济，并放松了社会管制，它和普通人达成了这样一种默契——我给你更好的物质生活，你放弃对政权的挑战。这里有可口可乐、牛仔裤，捷克斯洛伐克的青年羡慕这里甚至还有摇滚乐演出。

专制政体、意识形态控制并未改变，但比起仍旧严酷的其他共产主义阵营国家，匈牙利像是个天堂，它更富有、也更自由，人们说它是“牛肉汤共产主义”。但只有敏锐如米克洛斯才会大声指出，这是天鹅绒监狱。监狱的铁栏杆虽然套上柔软的天鹅绒，但它仍是监狱。

艺术家与知识分子也获得了某种新的空间，但一种新的危险也随之到来。他们主动放弃了自己的独立性，他们和现有政治权力不仅达成妥协，甚至相互依赖。在这种情况下，异议者遭遇的挑战，不仅是传统意义上的压迫，也来自他的同行、他的读者与观众。他们担心他的挑战，会破坏掉既有稳定的局面，危急他们的个人生活，担心他们已享用到的稳定和富足再度失去。这种焦虑，会转变成怨恨和疏离，他们远离这些异议者，拒绝给他们支持甚至注意力。“绝望的无政府主义是他们保持个人独立的唯一方式。”米克洛斯评论说。

权力对比的失衡、沟通渠道的堵塞，是催生无政府主义者的温床。除去姿态，他们无可依靠，然后他们又被姿态吞噬。戴晴与贝岭成为世界媒体关注的中心时，不是因为他们的作品，而是因为他们的姿态。比戴晴和贝岭更不幸的是四川作家廖亦武。自从他二十年前写了一首触犯政治忌讳的长诗以来，他坐过监牢，四处流亡，坚持他独特个人风格的写作——关于中国底层人物命运的访谈。他的作品出现在纽约的《巴黎评论》这样的精英读物上，翻译成英语和德语，他也是这次法兰克福书展被邀请的作家，但却像之前的几次尝试一样，他根本出不了国门。

“似乎只有通过这样的事，我们才能被外界所知。”他不无绝望地说。他的名字从来没有出现在中国大陆的出版物上，除去朋友的小圈子和一个更小的国际市场，没人知道他的努力。即使人们谈起他说，“异议”的标签也会掩盖对他作品的理解。很多中国人，包括生活在海外的华人，并不喜欢他们表现出的对抗感。当他们变得著名时，往往使这个政权陷入窘态。人们觉得似乎自己刚刚开始分享一个国家的强大给个人带来的荣耀，这些异议者就要在这些荣耀上抹黑。一种奇特的心理已经形成，人们可以对给人民带来的灾难保持惊人的容忍和耐心，却对质疑者毫无耐心，担心他们说出的任何话，都会影响整体的荣耀。

但是一个丧失了异议者，或仅仅把异议者推入绝望的国家与社会，最终会陷入可怕的迟钝与僵化，失去自我纠正的机制与动力。此刻的中国不正陷入一种内在的僵化吗？整个社会看似活跃异常，但仔细探究下去，所有的活动、所有的个体都遵循着同样的单调逻辑。整个中国担心焦虑于自己在世界的地位，希望除去向海外输出工业产品，还能传播自己的文化。但文化本是自由生长出来的，是不同观念碰撞而出的，是人们诚实的感知世界的结果。无法如建造大坝、工厂一样，去塑造教授、培养作家。

对异议者的排斥，像是给我们的思想套入了牢笼，不可触碰的禁忌四处标明。思想和想象力，随之扭曲变形。它也窒息了自我对话的空间。当我们焦虑于不能与世界对话，总是被西方被误解时，是因为我们自己的内部从未进行真正的对话，我们不尊重自己的艺术家和思想者，以及自己社会的创造力。人们利用艺术与思想，却从不尊重它，更没兴趣给它创造自由生长的空间。当我们越进行这种自我毁灭时，越对自己缺乏信任，却渴望外界、尤其是更强大国家的认可，越虚张声势地希望向它们输出些什么。

但这就是我们的现实。这个国家有如此悠久的历史，有如此惊心动魄的近代革命，有那么多活生生的、包含人间悲喜剧的个人经验，有那么多彼此交织的矛盾，倘若能够自由呈现与探索这些历程、这些矛盾，这些压抑、自由和荒诞，它将是人类多么重要的精神财富。但我们却漠视这一切，禁止一些勇敢和富有想象力的人去探索。而在一次次禁止之后，一场更大的内在危机到来了，最有才华的人主动放弃了这些探索，因为它知道这些探索注定困难重重，充满了莫名的危险。他开始只在规定的路径上、以被认可的方式来前进。于是，一种致命的平庸最终裹挟了整个社会，其中最杰出的头脑，也不过是为西方的价值系统提供了某种中国经验和案例，他们展现不了独特的方法、思想以及事实。

 

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错失的十年
英国《金融时报》中文网专栏作家 许知远 2009-10-22

原文链接：http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001029306

拖着彩烟的战斗机划过上空，中心的道路被封锁，每一个井盖都再次被检查，华人明星们聚集在一部电影中为国家权力唱赞歌……炫耀、傲慢、紧张、焦躁、荒诞的气氛包围着北京。

中华人民共和国的六十周年的庆祝，最终与“人民”与“共和”毫无关系，它是官僚系统的一次自我庆祝。被挑选的人民出现在广场上，他们欢乐与舞蹈，像是活动的道具。

在一个信息泛滥、记忆模糊的年代，重温往事变得如此艰巨，更何况，官僚权力仍牢牢把握着过去，它选择记忆的内容和尺度。年老的一代，主张去忘却苦难，因为欢乐似乎更对眼前的生活有利，更何况，在长期的教条之下，他们可能也失去了重新审视自己生活的能力；年轻的一代，他们还来不及体验，或者是过多混杂的信息，已占据了一切；那些愿意也有能力的回忆者，无法分享他们的记忆，一个扭曲的公共空间不能也没兴趣分给他一席之地。我们是一个习惯遗忘的国家。我们夸耀五千年的历史，但每个人对二十年前的事，都记忆不清。

倘若六十年的历程太过复杂，其中的悲剧太过让人不安，就让我们谈谈最近的十年。这个中国日益富有、国际影响力日益强大的十年，它将以十月一日的阅兵，而达到顶峰。但很有可能，历史学家将把2001年之后的十年，定义为一个错失的十年。

 

任何一个组织，它是一家公司、一所学校或是一个国家，它的表面的辉煌和内在的弊端，都可能并行不悖。通用汽车在八十年代初即已问题丛生，但是规模掩盖了一切，当一切被揭开时，它变成了一艘迅速下沉的巨艇；传统的声誉也带来遮蔽，北京大学早已丧失了大学内在品质和创造能力，但是它依旧可以凭借蔡元培时代的成就来自我炫耀；俾斯麦时代的德国，是欧洲新生的强权，它的军事、商业、科学、文学上的成就都令人瞩目，但是当一战爆发时，人们才意识到它蕴涵着如此的内在缺陷：教育溃败、信仰丧失、人民的分裂、官僚系统的膨胀、多元声音和制衡机制的消失，它是个金与铁的年代。

那中国呢？还记得2001年前后，这个国家曾经蕴涵的对未来的乐观和期望吗？它渡过了九十年代初的严寒和紧接而至的喧哗与躁动，经济自由已经带来了一个相对宽松、尽管仍然弱小的市民空间；私人经济不断蓬勃，而且逐渐孕育了一个中产阶级群体；互联网技术打破了信息匮乏，让人们看到更广阔的世界，年轻人纷纷要开始创造自己的事业，尽管他们的视野仍单一，却充满了活力；国际化和技术革命一样，增加了乐观，中国要举办奥运会，加入了WTO，国际规则将可能帮助这个古老国家跳出旧循环的困境；连政治体制也做出了某种妥协，它欢迎私人企业主的加入，经过了九十年代末的私有化浪潮，官僚系统的控制能力衰退了，人们也希望这个在全球商业环境中成长起来的商人阶层，能变成另一支社会力量……

但将近十年过去了，最初的这些期望，都改变了味道。这个国家不仅没有把握住那个强大的上升潮流，反而使之改了味。表面上，它的确日益强大：经济增长的速度无人匹敌，军费开支迅速攀升，它培养了世界上最多的工程师和技术专家。但一旦深入其中，你会发现：私有经济的活力，正迅速被国有企业的垄断所挤压；大学教育彻底沦为权力与金钱的俘虏，培养出一代没有灵魂和人格的青年；市民空间尚未成熟，就已被控制、收买，然后自甘堕落；互联网没有转化成自由表达的渠道，反而愈发变成了群众语言暴力的发泄场，它令公众轻易陷入极端化的情绪；社会的不稳定感在迅速增加，贫富差距和普遍的腐败，则令民怨四起……在这些变化背后是一种令人忧虑的倾向，社会的独立空间、个人的独立性、市场和技术的自由度，都在被国家权力所吞噬，整个社会的创造力和热情，被消耗和扭曲，而这种创造力和热情，才是推动一个国家的根本动力。

此外，国际局势的变化，也帮助掩饰了中国的停滞。既然民主试验屡遭失败，自由市场陷入金融危机，那么中国或许的确找到了它的独特模式。但倘若你认识了这种模式的代价有多么高昂，它的独特性就实在不值得赞赏。

（完）

 

——奥巴马首访上海演讲并与学生交流之全文及车前马后（附白宫视频 & 传神图片 & 华盛顿邮报新闻 & 抨击奥巴马胡扯的神秘人物）

 

声明及友情提示：视频及全文实录取自白宫官网，随后的新闻取自华盛顿邮报。当然大家在2009年11月17日一大早能看到链接中的视频并不代表n天后依旧如此，所以，点击链接要趁早，起床也是，抢沙发亦然。

PS：不愿意看长篇鸟语的，本文的开头结尾部分也足够有意思~

 

即使CNN特派女记者Emily Chang由于在镜头前展示印有奥巴马身穿中国解放军制服的T恤，在上海被扣留2小时。正面中文写着“为人民服务”，背面英文写着"Oba-Mao"（奥巴毛）：

 

——但奥巴马终究不是奥巴毛，也不是奥特曼，顶多是个欧巴马，尽管他在中国第一秒的亮相是挺ET的：

 

 

 

==================与韩正吹牛皮侃大山的分割线===========================

 

先奉上原版未刀视频链接（请注意奥巴马身后诸位面部表情貌似僵化的美女们）~

 

下面是全文实录（其实也没啥意思，被天朝媒体迅速和谐的一段已作高亮标注）：

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release                       November 16, 2009

  

Remarks by President Barack Obama at Town Hall Meeting with Future Chinese Leaders

Museum of Science and Technology, Shanghai, China

1:18 P.M. CST

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Good afternoon.  It is a great honor for me to be here in Shanghai, and to have this opportunity to speak with all of you.  I'd like to thank Fudan University's President Yang for his hospitality and his gracious welcome.  I'd also like to thank our outstanding Ambassador, Jon Huntsman, who exemplifies the deep ties and respect between our nations.  I don't know what he said, but I hope it was good.  (Laughter.) 

What I'd like to do is to make some opening comments, and then what I'm really looking forward to doing is taking questions, not only from students who are in the audience, but also we've received questions online, which will be asked by some of the students who are here in the audience, as well as by Ambassador Huntsman.  And I am very sorry that my Chinese is not as good as your English, but I am looking forward to this chance to have a dialogue.

This is my first time traveling to China, and I'm excited to see this majestic country.  Here, in Shanghai, we see the growth that has caught the attention of the world -- the soaring skyscrapers, the bustling streets and entrepreneurial activity.  And just as I'm impressed by these signs of China's journey to the 21st century, I'm eager to see those ancient places that speak to us from China's distant past.  Tomorrow and the next day I hope to have a chance when I'm in Beijing to see the majesty of the Forbidden City and the wonder of the Great Wall.  Truly, this is a nation that encompasses both a rich history and a belief in the promise of the future. 

The same can be said of the relationship between our two countries.  Shanghai, of course, is a city that has great meaning in the history of the relationship between the United States and China.  It was here, 37 years ago, that the Shanghai Communique opened the door to a new chapter of engagement between our governments and among our people.  However, America's ties to this city -- and to this country -- stretch back further, to the earliest days of America's independence.

In 1784, our founding father, George Washington, commissioned the Empress of China, a ship that set sail for these shores so that it could pursue trade with the Qing Dynasty. Washington wanted to see the ship carry the flag around the globe, and to forge new ties with nations like China.  This is a common American impulse -- the desire to reach for new horizons, and to forge new partnerships that are mutually beneficial.

Over the two centuries that have followed, the currents of history have steered the relationship between our countries in many directions.  And even in the midst of tumultuous winds, our people had opportunities to forge deep and even dramatic ties. For instance, Americans will never forget the hospitality shown to our pilots who were shot down over your soil during World War II, and cared for by Chinese civilians who risked all that they had by doing so.  And Chinese veterans of that war still warmly greet those American veterans who return to the sites where they fought to help liberate China from occupation.

A different kind of connection was made nearly 40 years ago when the frost between our countries began to thaw through the simple game of table tennis.  The very unlikely nature of this engagement contributed to its success -- because for all our differences, both our common humanity and our shared curiosity were revealed.  As one American player described his visit to China -- "[The]people are just like us…The country is very similar to America, but still very different."

Of course this small opening was followed by the achievement of the Shanghai Communique, and the eventual establishment of formal relations between the United States and China in 1979.  And in three decades, just look at how far we have come.

In 1979, trade between the United States and China stood at roughly $5 billion -- today it tops over $400 billion each year. The commerce affects our people's lives in so many ways.  America imports from China many of the computer parts we use, the clothes we wear; and we export to China machinery that helps power your industry.  This trade could create even more jobs on both sides of the Pacific, while allowing our people to enjoy a better quality of life.  And as demand becomes more balanced, it can lead to even broader prosperity. 

In 1979, the political cooperation between the United States and China was rooted largely in our shared rivalry with the Soviet Union.  Today, we have a positive, constructive and comprehensive relationship that opens the door to partnership on the key global issues of our time -- economic recovery and the development of clean energy; stopping the spread of nuclear weapons and the scourge of climate change; the promotion of peace and security in Asia and around the globe.  All of these issues will be on the agenda tomorrow when I meet with President Hu.

And in 1979, the connections among our people were limited. Today, we see the curiosity of those ping-pong players manifested in the ties that are being forged across many sectors.  The second highest number of foreign students in the United States come from China, and we've seen a 50 percent increase in the study of Chinese among our own students.  There are nearly 200 "friendship cities" drawing our communities together.  American and Chinese scientists cooperate on new research and discovery.  And of course, Yao Ming is just one signal of our shared love of basketball -- I'm only sorry that I won't be able to see a Shanghai Sharks game while I'm visiting.

It is no coincidence that the relationship between our countries has accompanied a period of positive change.  China has lifted hundreds of millions of people out of poverty -- an accomplishment unparalleled in human history -- while playing a larger role in global events.  And the United States has seen our economy grow along with the standard of living enjoyed by our people, while bringing the Cold War to a successful conclusion.

There is a Chinese proverb:  "Consider the past, and you shall know the future."  Surely, we have known setbacks and challenges over the last 30 years.  Our relationship has not been without disagreement and difficulty.  But the notion that we must be adversaries is not predestined -- not when we consider the past.  Indeed, because of our cooperation, both the United States and China are more prosperous and more secure.  We have seen what is possible when we build upon our mutual interests, and engage on the basis of mutual respect.

And yet the success of that engagement depends upon understanding -- on sustaining an open dialogue, and learning about one another and from one another.  For just as that American table tennis player pointed out -- we share much in common as human beings, but our countries are different in certain ways. 

I believe that each country must chart its own course.  China is an ancient nation, with a deeply rooted culture.  The United States, by comparison, is a young nation, whose culture is determined by the many different immigrants who have come to our shores, and by the founding documents that guide our democracy.

Those documents put forward a simple vision of human affairs, and they enshrine several core principles -- that all men and women are created equal, and possess certain fundamental rights; that government should reflect the will of the people and respond to their wishes; that commerce should be open, information freely accessible; and that laws, and not simply men, should guarantee the administration of justice.

Of course, the story of our nation is not without its difficult chapters.  In many ways -- over many years -- we have struggled to advance the promise of these principles to all of our people, and to forge a more perfect union.  We fought a very painful civil war, and freed a portion of our population from slavery.  It took time for women to be extended the right to vote, workers to win the right to organize, and for immigrants from different corners of the globe to be fully embraced.  Even after they were freed, African Americans persevered through conditions that were separate and not equal, before winning full and equal rights.

None of this was easy.  But we made progress because of our belief in those core principles, which have served as our compass through the darkest of storms.  That is why Lincoln could stand up in the midst of civil war and declare it a struggle to see whether any nation, conceived in liberty, and "dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal" could long endure. That is why Dr. Martin Luther King could stand on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial and ask that our nation live out the true meaning of its creed.  That's why immigrants from China to Kenya could find a home on our shores; why opportunity is available to all who would work for it; and why someone like me, who less than 50 years ago would have had trouble voting in some parts of America, is now able to serve as its President.

And that is why America will always speak out for these core principles around the world.   We do not seek to impose any system of government on any other nation, but we also don't believe that the principles that we stand for are unique to our nation.  These freedoms of expression and worship -- of access to information and political participation -- we believe are universal rights.  They should be available to all people, including ethnic and religious minorities -- whether they are in the United States, China, or any nation.  Indeed, it is that respect for universal rights that guides America's openness to other countries; our respect for different cultures; our commitment to international law; and our faith in the future.

These are all things that you should know about America.  I also know that we have much to learn about China.  Looking around at this magnificent city -- and looking around this room -- I do believe that our nations hold something important in common, and that is a belief in the future.  Neither the United States nor China is content to rest on our achievements.  For while China is an ancient nation, you are also clearly looking ahead with confidence, ambition, and a commitment to see that tomorrow's generation can do better than today's.

In addition to your growing economy, we admire China's extraordinary commitment to science and research -- a commitment borne out in everything from the infrastructure you build to the technology you use.  China is now the world's largest Internet user -- which is why we were so pleased to include the Internet as a part of today's event.  This country now has the world's largest mobile phone network, and it is investing in the new forms of energy that can both sustain growth and combat climate change -- and I'm looking forward to deepening the partnership between the United States and China in this critical area tomorrow.  But above all, I see China's future in you -- young people whose talent and dedication and dreams will do so much to help shape the 21st century.

I've said many times that I believe that our world is now fundamentally interconnected.  The jobs we do, the prosperity we build, the environment we protect, the security that we seek -- all of these things are shared.  And given that interconnection, power in the 21st century is no longer a zero-sum game; one country's success need not come at the expense of another.  And that is why the United States insists we do not seek to contain China's rise.  On the contrary, we welcome China as a strong and prosperous and successful member of the community of nations -- a China that draws on the rights, strengths, and creativity of individual Chinese like you.

To return to the proverb -- consider the past.  We know that more is to be gained when great powers cooperate than when they collide.  That is a lesson that human beings have learned time and again, and that is the example of the history between our nations.  And I believe strongly that cooperation must go beyond our government.  It must be rooted in our people -- in the studies we share, the business that we do, the knowledge that we gain, and even in the sports that we play.  And these bridges must be built by young men and women just like you and your counterparts in America.

That's why I'm pleased to announce that the United States will dramatically expand the number of our students who study in China to 100,000.  And these exchanges mark a clear commitment to build ties among our people, as surely as you will help determine the destiny of the 21st century.  And I'm absolutely confident that America has no better ambassadors to offer than our young people.  For they, just like you, are filled with talent and energy and optimism about the history that is yet to be written.

So let this be the next step in the steady pursuit of cooperation that will serve our nations, and the world.  And if there's one thing that we can take from today's dialogue, I hope that it is a commitment to continue this dialogue going forward.

So thank you very much.  And I look forward now to taking some questions from all of you.  Thank you very much.  (Applause.)

So -- I just want to make sure this works.  This is a tradition, by the way, that is very common in the United States at these town hall meetings.  And what we're going to do is I will just -- if you are interested in asking a question, you can raise your hands.  I will call on you.  And then I will alternate between a question from the audience and an Internet question from one of the students who prepared the questions, as well as I think Ambassador Huntsman may have a question that we were able to obtain from the Web site of our embassy.

So let me begin, though, by seeing -- and then what I'll do is I'll call on a boy and then a girl and then -- so we'll go back and forth, so that you know it's fair.  All right?  So I'll start with this young lady right in the front.  Why don't we wait for this microphone so everyone can hear you.  And what's your name?

Q    My name is (inaudible) and I am a student from Fudan University.  Shanghai and Chicago have been sister cities since 1985, and these two cities have conduct a wide range of economic, political, and cultural exchanges.  So what measures will you take to deepen this close relationship between cities of the United States and China?  And Shanghai will hold the World Exposition next year.  Will you bring your family to visit the Expo?  Thank you.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, thank you very much for the question.  I was just having lunch before I came here with the Mayor of Shanghai, and he told me that he has had an excellent relationship with the city of Chicago -- my home town -- that he's visited there twice.  And I think it's wonderful to have these exchanges between cities.

One of the things that I discussed with the Mayor is how both cities can learn from each other on strategies around clean energy, because one of the issues that ties China and America together is how, with an expanding population and a concern for climate change, that we're able to reduce our carbon footprint.  And obviously in the United States and many developed countries, per capita, per individual, they are already using much more energy than each individual here in China.  But as China grows and expands, it's going to be using more energy as well.  So both countries have a great interest in finding new strategies.

We talked about mass transit and the excellent rail lines that are being developed in Shanghai.  I think we can learn in Chicago and the United States some of the fine work that's being done on high-speed rail. 

In the United States, I think we are learning how to develop buildings that use much less energy, that are much more energy-efficient.  And I know that with Shanghai, as I traveled and I saw all the cranes and all the new buildings that are going up, it's very important for us to start incorporating these new technologies so that each building is energy-efficient when it comes to lighting, when it comes to heating.  And so it's a terrific opportunity I think for us to learn from each other.

I know this is going to be a major focus of the Shanghai  World Expo, is the issue of clean energy, as I learned from the Mayor.  And so I would love to attend.  I'm not sure yet what my schedule is going to be, but I'm very pleased that we're going to have an excellent U.S. pavilion at the Expo, and I understand that we expect as many as 70 million visitors here.  So it's going to be very crowded and it's going to be very exciting.

Chicago has had two world expos in its history, and both of those expos ended up being tremendous boosts for the city.  So I'm sure the same thing will happen here in Shanghai.

Thank you.  (Applause.)

Why don't we get one of the questions from the Internet?  And introduce yourself, in case --

Q    First shall I say it in Chinese, and then the English, okay?

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Yes.

Q    I want to pose a question from the Internet.  I want to thank you, Mr. President, for visiting China in your first year in office, and exchange views with us in China.  I want to know what are you bringing to China, your visit to China this time, and what will you bring back to the United States?  (Applause.)

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  The main purpose of my trip is to deepen my understanding of China and its vision for the future.  I have had several meetings now with President Hu.  We participated together in the G20 that was dealing with the economic financial crisis.  We have had consultations about a wide range of issues. But I think it's very important for the United States to continually deepen its understanding of China, just as it's important for China to continually deepen its understanding of the United States.

In terms of what I'd like to get out of this meeting, or this visit, in addition to having the wonderful opportunity to see the Forbidden City and the Great Wall, and to meet with all of you -- these are all highlights -- but in addition to that, the discussions that I intend to have with President Hu speak to the point that Ambassador Huntsman made earlier, which is there are very few global challenges that can be solved unless the United States and China agree. 

So let me give you a specific example, and that is the issue we were just discussing of climate change.  The United States and China are the world's two largest emitters of greenhouse gases, of carbon that is causing the planet to warm.  Now, the United States, as a highly developed country, as I said before, per capita, consumes much more energy and emits much more greenhouse gases for each individual than does China.  On the other hand, China is growing at a much faster pace and it has a much larger population.  So unless both of our countries are willing to take critical steps in dealing with this issue, we will not be able to resolve it. 

There's going to be a Copenhagen conference in December in which world leaders are trying to find a recipe so that we can all make commitments that are differentiated so each country would not have the same obligations -- obviously China, which has much more poverty, should not have to do exactly the same thing as the United States -- but all of us should have these certain obligations in terms of what our plan will be to reduce these greenhouse gases. 

So that's an example of what I hope to get out of this meeting -- a meeting of the minds between myself and President Hu about how together the United States and China can show leadership.  Because I will tell you, other countries around the world will be waiting for us.  They will watch to see what we do. And if they say, ah, you know, the United States and China, they're not serious about this, then they won't be serious either.  That is the burden of leadership that both of our countries now carry.  And my hope is, is that the more discussion and dialogue that we have, the more we are able to show this leadership to the world on these many critical issues.  Okay?  (Applause.)

All right, it's a -- I think it must be a boy's turn now.  Right?  So I'll call on this young man right here.

Q    (As translated.)  Mr. President, good afternoon.  I'm from Tongji University.  I want to cite a saying from Confucius: "It is always good to have a friend coming from afar."  In Confucius books, there is a great saying which says that harmony is good, but also we uphold differences.  China advocates a harmonious world.  We know that the United States develops a culture that features diversity.  I want to know, what will your government do to build a diversified world with different cultures?  What would you do to respect the different cultures and histories of other countries?  And what kinds of cooperation we can conduct in the future?

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  This is an excellent point.  The United States, one of our strengths is that we are a very diverse culture.  We have people coming from all around the world.  And so there's no one definition of what an American looks like.  In my own family, I have a father who was from Kenya; I have a mother who was from Kansas, in the Midwest of the United States; my sister is half-Indonesian; she's married to a Chinese person from Canada.  So when you see family gatherings in the Obama household, it looks like the United Nations.  (Laughter.)

And that is a great strength of the United States, because it means that we learn from different cultures and different foods and different ideas, and that has made us a much more dynamic society.

Now, what is also true is that each country in this interconnected world has its own culture and its own history and its own traditions.  And I think it's very important for the United States not to assume that what is good for us is automatically good for somebody else.  And we have to have some modesty about our attitudes towards other countries.

I have to say, though, as I said in my opening remarks, that we do believe that there are certain fundamental principles that are common to all people, regardless of culture.  So, for example, in the United Nations we are very active in trying to make sure that children all around the world are treated with certain basic rights -- that if children are being exploited, if there's forced labor for children, that despite the fact that that may have taken place in the past in many different countries, including the United States, that all countries of the world now should have developed to the point where we are treating children better than we did in the past.  That's a universal value.

I believe, for example, the same thing holds true when it comes to the treatment of women.  I had a very interesting discussion with the Mayor of Shanghai during lunch right before I came, and he informed me that in many professions now here in China, there are actually more women enrolled in college than there are men, and that they are doing very well.  I think that is an excellent indicator of progress, because it turns out that if you look at development around the world, one of the best indicators of whether or not a country does well is how well it educates its girls and how it treats its women.  And countries that are tapping into the talents and the energy of women and giving them educations typically do better economically than countries that don't.

So, now, obviously difficult cultures may have different attitudes about the relationship between men and women, but I think it is the view of the United States that it is important for us to affirm the rights of women all around the world.  And if we see certain societies in which women are oppressed, or they are not getting opportunities, or there is violence towards women, we will speak out.

Now, there may be some people who disagree with us, and we can have a dialogue about that.  But we think it's important, nevertheless, to be true to our ideals and our values.  And we -- and when we do so, though, we will always do so with the humility and understanding that we are not perfect and that we still have much progress to make.  If you talk to women in America, they will tell you that there are still men who have a lot of old-fashioned ideas about the role of women in society.  And so we don't claim that we have solved all these problems, but we do think that it's important for us to speak out on behalf of these universal ideals and these universal values.

Okay?  All right.  We're going to take a question from the Internet.

Q    Hello, Mr. President.  It's a great honor to be here and meet you in person.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you.

Q    I will be reading a question selected on the Internet to you, and this question is from somebody from Taiwan.  In his question, he said:  I come from Taiwan.  Now I am doing business on the mainland.  And due to improved cross-straits relations in recent years, my business in China is doing quite well.  So when I heard the news that some people in America would like to propose -- continue selling arms and weapons to Taiwan, I begin to get pretty worried.  I worry that this may make our cross-straits relations suffer.  So I would like to know if, Mr. President, are you supportive of improved cross-straits relations?  And although this question is from a businessman, actually, it's a question of keen concern to all of us young Chinese students, so we'd really like to know your position on this question.  Thank you.  (Applause.)

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you.  Well, I have been clear in the past that my administration fully supports a one-China policy, as reflected in the three joint communiqués that date back several decades, in terms of our relations with Taiwan as well as our relations with the People's Republic of China.  We don't want to change that policy and that approach. 

I am very pleased with the reduction of tensions and the improvement in cross-straits relations, and it is my deep desire and hope that we will continue to see great improvement between Taiwan and the rest of -- and the People's Republic in resolving many of these issues. 

One of the things that I think that the United States, in terms of its foreign policy and its policy with respect to China, is always seeking is ways that through dialogue and negotiations, problems can be solved.  We always think that's the better course.  And I think that economic ties and commercial ties that are taking place in this region are helping to lower a lot of the tensions that date back before you were born or even before I was born. 

Now, there are some people who still look towards the past when it comes to these issues, as opposed to looking towards the future.  I prefer to look towards the future.  And as I said, I think the commercial ties that are taking place -- there's something about when people think that they can do business and make money that makes them think very clearly and not worry as much about ideology.  And I think that that's starting to happen in this region, and we are very supportive of that process.  Okay?

Let's see, it's a girl's turn now, right?  Yes, right there. Yes.  Hold on, let's get -- whoops, I'm sorry, they took the mic back here.  I'll call on you next. 

Go ahead, and then I'll go up here later.  Go ahead.

Q    Thank you. 

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  I'll call on you later.  But I'll on her first and then I'll call on you afterwards. 

Go ahead.

Q    Okay, thank you.  Mr. President, I'm a student from Shanghai Jiao Tong University.  I have a question concerning the Nobel Prize for Peace.  In your opinion, what's the main reason that you were honored the Nobel Prize for Peace?  And will it give you more responsibility and pressure to -- more pressure and the responsibility to promote world peace?  And will it bring you -- will it influence your ideas while dealing with the international affairs?  Thank you very much.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you.  That was an excellent question.  I have to say that nobody was more surprised than me about winning the Nobel Prize for Peace.  Obviously it's a great honor.  I don't believe necessarily that it's an honor I deserve, given the extraordinary history of people who have won the prize. All I can do is to, with great humility, accept the fact that I think the committee was inspired by the American people and the possibilities of changing not only America but also America's approach to the world.  And so in some ways I think they gave me the prize but I was more just a symbol of the shift in our approach to world affairs that we are trying to promote.

In terms of the burden that I feel, I am extraordinarily honored to be put in the position of President.  And as my wife always reminds me when I complain that I'm working too hard, she says, you volunteered for this job.  (Laughter.)  And so you -- there's a saying -- I don't know if there's a similar saying in China -- we have a saying:  "You made your bed, now you have to sleep in it."  And it basically means you have to be careful what you ask for because you might get it.

I think that all of us have obligations for trying to promote peace in the world.  It's not always easy to do.  There are still a lot of conflicts in the world that are -- date back for centuries.  If you look at the Middle East, there are wars and conflict that are rooted in arguments going back a thousand years.  In many parts of the world -- let's say, in the continent of Africa -- there are ethnic and tribal conflicts that are very hard to resolve. 

And obviously, right now, as President of the United States, part of my job is to serve as Commander-in-Chief, and my first priority is to protect the American people.  And because of the attacks on 9/11 and the terrorism that has been taking place around the world where innocent people are being killed, it is my obligation to make sure that we root out these terrorist organizations, and that we cooperate with other countries in terms of dealing with this kind of violence.

Nevertheless, although I don't think that we can ever completely eliminate violence between nations or between peoples, I think that we can definitely reduce the violence between peoples -- through dialogue, through the exchange of ideas, through greater understanding between peoples and between cultures. 

And particularly now when just one individual can detonate a bomb that causes so much destruction, it is more important than ever that we pursue these strategies for peace.  Technology is a powerful instrument for good, but it has also given the possibility for just a few people to cause enormous damage.  And that's why I'm hopeful that in my meetings with President Hu and on an ongoing basis, both the United States and China can work together to try to reduce conflicts that are taking place.

We have to do so, though, also keeping in mind that when we use our military, because we're such big and strong countries, that we have to be self-reflective about what we do; that we have to examine our own motives and our own interests to make sure that we are not simply using our military forces because nobody can stop us.  That's a burden that great countries, great powers, have, is to act responsibly in the community of nations.  And my hope is, is that the United States and China together can help to create an international norms that reduce conflict around the world.  (Applause.)

Okay.  All right?  Jon -- I'm going to call on my Ambassador because I think he has a question that was generated through the Web site of our embassy.  This was selected, though, by I think one of the members of our U.S. press corps so that --

AMBASSADOR HUNTSMAN:  That's right.  And not surprisingly, "in a country with 350 million Internet users and 60 million bloggers, do you know of the firewall?"  And second, "should we be able to use Twitter freely" -- is the question.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, first of all, let me say that I have never used Twitter. (插一句，twitter上那个BarackObama的号得瞬间被unfollow多少啊……再插一句，那个号自从Obama到中国后至今还没更新过~) I noticed that young people -- they're very busy with all these electronics.  My thumbs are too clumsy to type in things on the phone.  But I am a big believer in technology and I'm a big believer in openness when it comes to the flow of information.  I think that the more freely information flows, the stronger the society becomes, because then citizens of countries around the world can hold their own governments accountable.  They can begin to think for themselves. That generates new ideas.  It encourages creativity. 

And so I've always been a strong supporter of open Internet use.  I'm a big supporter of non-censorship.  This is part of the tradition of the United States that I discussed before, and I recognize that different countries have different traditions.  I can tell you that in the United States, the fact that we have free Internet -- or unrestricted Internet access is a source of strength, and I think should be encouraged.

Now, I should tell you, I should be honest, as President of the United States, there are times where I wish information didn't flow so freely because then I wouldn't have to listen to people criticizing me all the time.  I think people naturally are -- when they're in positions of power sometimes thinks, oh, how could that person say that about me, or that's irresponsible, or -- but the truth is that because in the United States information is free, and I have a lot of critics in the United States who can say all kinds of things about me, I actually think that that makes our democracy stronger and it makes me a better leader because it forces me to hear opinions that I don't want to hear. It forces me to examine what I'm doing on a day-to-day basis to see, am I really doing the very best that I could be doing for the people of the United States. 

And I think the Internet has become an even more powerful tool for that kind of citizen participation.  In fact, one of the reasons that I won the presidency was because we were able to mobilize young people like yourself to get involved through the Internet.  Initially, nobody thought we could win because we didn't have necessarily the most wealthy supporters; we didn't have the most powerful political brokers.  But through the Internet, people became excited about our campaign and they started to organize and meet and set up campaign activities and events and rallies.  And it really ended up creating the kind of bottom-up movement that allowed us to do very well.

Now, that's not just true in -- for government and politics. It's also true for business.  You think about a company like Google that only 20 years ago was -- less than 20 years ago was the idea of a couple of people not much older than you.  It was a science project.  And suddenly because of the Internet, they were able to create an industry that has revolutionized commerce all around the world.  So if it had not been for the freedom and the openness that the Internet allows, Google wouldn't exist. 

So I'm a big supporter of not restricting Internet use, Internet access, other information technologies like Twitter.  The more open we are, the more we can communicate.  And it also helps to draw the world together. 

Think about -- when I think about my daughters, Malia and Sasha -- one is 11, one is 8 -- from their room, they can get on the Internet and they can travel to Shanghai.  They can go anyplace in the world and they can learn about anything they want to learn about.  And that's just an enormous power that they have.  And that helps, I think, promote the kind of understanding that we talked about.

Now, as I said before, there's always a downside to technology.  It also means that terrorists are able to organize on the Internet in ways that they might not have been able to do before.  Extremists can mobilize.  And so there's some price that you pay for openness, there's no denying that.  But I think that the good outweighs the bad so much that it's better to maintain that openness.  And that's part of why I'm so glad that the Internet was part of this forum.  Okay?

I'm going to take two more questions.  And the next one is from a gentleman, I think.  Right here, yes.  Here's the microphone.

Q    First, I would like to say that it is a great honor for me to stand here to ask you the questions.  I think I am so lucky and just appreciate that your speech is so clear that I really do not need such kind of headset.  (Laughter.) 

And here comes my question.  My name is (inaudible) from Fudan University School of Management.  And I would like to ask you the question -- is that now that someone has asked you something about the Nobel Peace Prize, but I will not ask you in the same aspect.  I want to ask you in the other aspect that since it is very hard for you to get such kind of an honorable prize, and I wonder and we all wonder that -- how you struggled to get it.  And what's your university/college education that brings you to get such kind of prizes?  We are very curious about it and we would like to invite you to share with us your campus education experiences so as to go on the road of success. 

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, first of all, let me tell you that I don't know if there's a curriculum or course of study that leads you to win the Nobel Peace Prize.  (Laughter.)  So I can't guarantee that.  But I think the recipe for success is the one that you are already following.  Obviously all of you are working very hard, you're studying very hard.  You're curious.  You're willing to think about new ideas and think for yourself.  You know, the people who I meet now that I find most inspiring who are successful I think are people who are not only willing to work very hard but are constantly trying to improve themselves and to think in new ways, and not just accept the conventional wisdom.

Obviously there are many different paths to success, and some of you are going to be going into government service; some of you might want to be teachers or professors; some of you might want to be businesspeople.  But I think that whatever field you go into, if you're constantly trying to improve and never satisfied with not having done your best, and constantly asking new questions -- "Are there things that I could be doing differently?  Are there new approaches to problems that nobody has thought of before, whether it's in science or technology or in the arts? -- those are usually the people who I think are able to rise about the rest.

The one last piece of advice, though, that I would have that has been useful for me is the people who I admire the most and are most successful, they're not just thinking only about themselves but they're also thinking about something larger than themselves.  So they want to make a contribution to society.  They want to make a contribution to their country, their nation, their city.  They are interested in having an impact beyond their own immediate lives.

I think so many of us, we get caught up with wanting to make money for ourselves and have a nice car and have a nice house and -- all those things are important, but the people who really make their mark on the world is because they have a bigger ambition.  They say, how can I help feed hungry people?  Or, how can I help to teach children who don't have an education?  Or, how can I bring about peaceful resolution of conflicts?  Those are the people I think who end up making such a big difference in the world.  And I'm sure that young people like you are going to be able to make that kind of difference as long as you keep working the way you've been working.

All right?  All right, this is going to be the last question, unfortunately.  We've run out of time so quickly.  Our last Internet question, because I want to make sure that we got all three of our fine students here.

Q    Mr. President, it's a great honor for the last question.  And I'm a college student from Fudan University, and today I'm also the representative of China's Youth (inaudible.)  And this question I think is from Beijing:  Paid great attention to your Afghanistan policies, and he would like to know whether terrorism is still the greatest security concern for the United States?  And how do you assess the military actions in Afghanistan, or whether it will turn into another Iraqi war?  Thank you very much.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  I think that's an excellent question.  Well, first of all, I do continue to believe that the greatest threat to United States' security are the terrorist networks like al Qaeda.  And the reason is, is because even though they are small in number, what they have shown is, is that they have no conscience when it comes to the destruction of innocent civilians.  And because of technology today, if an organization like that got a weapon of mass destruction on its hands -- a nuclear or a chemical or a biological weapon -- and they used it in a city, whether it's in Shanghai or New York, just a few individuals could potentially kill tens of thousands of people, maybe hundreds of thousands.  So it really does pose an extraordinary threat.

Now, the reason we originally went into Afghanistan was because al Qaeda was in Afghanistan, being hosted by the Taliban. They have now moved over the border of Afghanistan and they are in Pakistan now, but they continue to have networks with other extremist organizations in that region.  And I do believe that it is important for us to stabilize Afghanistan so that the people of Afghanistan can protect themselves, but they can also be a partner in reducing the power of these extremist networks.

Now, obviously it is a very difficult thing -- one of the hardest things about my job is ordering young men and women into the battlefield.  I often have to meet with the mothers and fathers of the fallen, those who do not come home.  And it is a great weight on me.  It gives me a heavy heart. 

Fortunately, our Armed Services is -- the young men and women who participate, they believe so strongly in their service to their country that they are willing to go.  And I think that it is possible -- working in a broader coalition with our allies in NATO and others that are contributing like Australia -- to help train the Afghans so that they have a functioning government, that they have their own security forces, and then slowly we can begin to pull our troops out because there's no longer that vacuum that existed after the Taliban left.

But it's a difficult task.  It's not easy.  And ultimately I think in trying to defeat these terrorist extremists, it's important to understand it's not just a military exercise.  We also have to think about what motivates young people to become terrorists, why would they become suicide bombers.  And although there are obviously a lot of different reasons, including I think the perversion of religion, in thinking that somehow these kinds of violent acts are appropriate, part of what's happened in places like Pakistan and Afghanistan is these young people have no education, they have no opportunities, and so they see no way for them to move forward in life, and that leads them into thinking that this is their only option.

And so part of what we want to do in Afghanistan is to find ways that we can train teachers and create schools and improve agriculture so that people have a greater sense of hope.  That won't change the ideas of a Osama bin Laden who are very ideologically fixed on trying to strike at the West, but it will change the pool of young people who they can recruit from.  And that is at least as important, if not more important over time, as whatever military actions that we can take.  Okay?

All right, I have had a wonderful time.  I am so grateful to all of you.  First of all, let me say I'm very impressed with all of your English.  Clearly you've been studying very hard.  And having a chance to meet with all of you I think has given me great hope for the future of U.S.-China relations. 

I hope that many of you have the opportunity to come and travel and visit the United States.  You will be welcome.  I think you will find that the American people feel very warmly towards the people of China.  And I am very confident that, with young people like yourselves and the young people that I know in the United States, that our two great countries will continue to prosper and help to bring about a more peaceful and secure world.

So thank you very much everybody.  Thank you.  (Applause.)

END

2:08 P.M. CST

 

====================空军一号穿越华东抵达帝都的分割线=======================

 

小马哥进京了，迎接他的是一排闪亮的刺刀~

让你丫和洪博培不听话，唱双簧。

 

====================与未来国母的老公打哈哈的分割线========================

 

 

看完我党三军仪仗之背面，再来看看正面（胡core在人民大会堂北大厅举行的欢迎仪式）

——我丫瞪不死你（此图绝非PS，不信可去各大新闻网站的专题图片中寻找。只不过可能没这张清晰，特此感谢sophia~）：

 

 

 

=====================走马观花逛故宫的分割线============================

 

最后，让我们看看华盛顿邮报怎么说：

 

Obama backs non-censorship; Beijing, apparently, does not

 

 

By Keith B. Richburg

Washington Post Staff Writer
Monday, November 16, 2009; 1:20 PM

 

 

BEIJING -- President Obama, taking questions Monday from government-selected students at a town hall-style meeting in Shanghai, called himself "a big supporter of non-censorship." But the Beijing government, apparently, is not, and most Chinese never got to hear or read what Obama said.

 

His talk to the students was never mentioned on China's main official 7 p.m. news broadcast. The session was broadcast live only on a single small Shanghai television station -- and that station's Web site switched to a children's program instead of live-streaming the president's event. And most news Web sites deleted stories about Obama taking a question on Internet freedom.

The 7 p.m. news broadcast of CCTV is the most influential in China, reflecting the official government line and serving as the main source of television news for most people outside the major cities. But Obama's arrival in Shanghai was not even the lead story -- it was seventh in a line of stories that began with one on President Hu Jintao returning from the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum in Singapore.

When CCTV did mention Obama's visit, well into the broadcast, it was in a story of less than a minute that just noted his airport arrival and his meeting with the mayor of Shanghai. There was not a word about the forum with students, which the White House had billed as the marquee event of Obama's first trip to China.

Obama was asked what he thought about the Chinese government blocking several Internet international sites, such as Facebook, Twitter and YouTube, as well as critical news sites. "I've always been a strong supporter of open Internet use," Obama said.

The question, and Obama's answer, appeared almost immediately as a top news story on the official New China News Agency, known here as Xinhua, as well on as several popular Chinese Web sites.

But about an hour later, the stories about Obama embracing Internet freedom disappeared.

The sina.com site, for example, initially ran the story under the headline: "Obama: The Internet is a tool for becoming stronger and citizens can participate." An hour later, anyone going to that link got the message, "Cannot find the page."

The news was also deleted from Xinhua, which initially posted a story about Obama's answer on Internet censorship but later carried a notice that said, "Sorry! The news you are checking has been deleted or expired."

Even the students who posed questions to Obama were pre-selected, and most appeared to be members of the Chinese Communist Party Youth League. Afterward, some of them, when contacted by a reporter, criticized Obama's statements about Internet censorship, even while saying they were generally pleased having seen the U.S. president up close.

"I strongly disagree with what Obama said about the Internet firewall," said Tao Weishuo, a 24-year old postgraduate student from Fudan University. "I think all Chinese people have Internet freedom -- we can speak out freely on the Internet about current social affairs." He said the question to him came from a Web site outside China. （亮点出现）

Still, Tao said he was impressed. "I think he is kind and warm," Tao said.

Guo Ruijie, a senior majoring in English at Tongji University, said Obama "doesn't have big president airs. When he gave his speech on the stage, he was walking around like going for a walk with his caged birds. He gave me the impression that he is very amiable and easy to approach and close to people, and he cares a lot about the next generation."

 

While Obama was speaking inside, a small group of fans waited outside hoping for a glimpse of the president or his motorcade. They included Chinese students and some young Americans studying in China.

"I really agree with Obama's slogan, 'change' " said Jiang Yimeng, 19-year-old high school graduate. "I think the U.S. is more open than China. I'm now applying to universities in the United States. I really want to go to the George Washington University, which is just opposite the White House."

She added, "I also heard that the White House is open to public, and normal people can actually see president and his family close up. Obama is so charming and always smiling."

Shi Tingchong, also 19 and a high school graduate, spent a year as an exchange student in Ohio.

"I'm here because I worship him," she said. "I think he is someone who can really listen to us. Chinese government leaders just read from what's written down on documents."

She added, "He is a great black president. After I read his book, 'Dreams From My Father,' I think his road to success was really not easy, and he couldn't achieve success without his excellent eloquence."

Washington Post researchers Liu Liu in Shanghai and Zhang Jie in Beijing contributed to this report.

 

 ======================与胡core胡吃海塞的分割线=================================

 

关于这位心神不宁很傻很天真的Tao Weishuo，一不小心被人肉了：

Students

Tao Weishuo (FDU, Tutor)

SIRPA, Fudan University

Contact
email: luckytws@yahoo.com

Curriculum Vitae
School of International Relations and Public Affairs (S.I.R.P.A.), Fudan University
Education: Candidate for Master of Laws in International Relations, 09/2007-Present, Fudan Univ.
Bachelor of Laws in Political Science and Education, 07/2007, Fudan Univ.
Social Work: Students Counselor and Class Teacher of Fudan College; Working in the Information and News Service Center of Fudan University from Sept. 2006;Member of the organization committee of YICGG 2007; Wangdao Scholar of FDUROP, Fudan University.
 

Proposed research
Lifelong Learning Community in Asia 2020 

 

 ===================Obama & Tao，莫要告我侵犯肖像权的分割线=====================

 

 OVER，各位看官该干嘛干嘛去。

 当然，也可以给Tao同学发个邮件交流一下~

 甚至，可以在校内上搜索“陶韡烁”，加个好友跟他聊聊~

 这位仁兄最近的状态是：“和奥巴马握了手”

 

 

现在我最喜欢的事情
是牵着你的手
融进这六点钟的夕阳
散步在晚风里

 

天边金色的世界
是我心中的故乡
当我只身流浪远方
总是静静照耀我

 

所以我爱你在晚风里
欣喜的容颜
爱这世界的宽广悠远
此刻的天空

 

只有你能真正了解
我风中的沉默

 

有时我会消沉
依然焦虑不安
那是动荡往昔
有些伤痛无法化解

 

你是美丽天使
给我无言守护
使我不安的心
喜悦又平静

 

只有你能真正了解
我风中的沉默

 

在一天即将结束而不是刚刚开始的时候入睡。

今天，值得纪念一下。

 

晚安。

 

 

有两件事。

 

一、X200入手。

水货，台湾机。具体型号为Thinkpad X200 7458 PK4。裸机价格为7200，公司要求开增票，加了5%的税点。

具体配置：P8700，2G DDR3，320G 5400转；X4500集显；6芯电池；蓝牙指纹摄像头。保守估计，相同配置的行货目前大概在12000左右。

入手心得：打开任务管理器看到动辄40+的进程数稍有不爽（这还是在我关掉了不少非必要服务之后）——这是典型的过惯了穷日子的结果，之前经手的机器我都会把进程数控制在30左右。其实Thinkpad自带的那些服务根本占不了多少内存。其它一切均爽。

 

二、王洋即将大婚。

明天这厮就婚了。哥几个礼到人不到，十一再纠集游击队人马折腾这国安的新郎吧~

 

 

盼望着，盼望着，终于等到了这一刻。

高高在上无所不能的GFW，终于俯下了其高贵伟岸的身躯，亲临本博进行封杀指导。

我现在的心情，有种受宠若惊又忐忑不安的激动。我估计，这跟陈奇那家伙今天第一次去未来老丈人家，刚刚迈进门那一刻的心情很相似。

 

三年以来，本博被各种搜索引擎链接访问次数最多的一篇日志，终于发挥了其最重要的作用，成功的被GFW在三年之后发现了！

三年以来，这篇日志基本保持着每天至少被从各大搜索引擎链接访问一次的频率，这充分诠释论证了马克思主义哲学中量变与质变的辩证关系原理是放之墙内外而皆准的！

三年，只用了三年，这进一步说明了在党国英明正确的领导下，GFW的效率是多么的惊人！

 

本着以充分教育为根本目的的开明姿态，GFW很仁慈的只封杀了本博2006年9月的日志索引，只因为这篇日志以及相邻相关的另一篇都是写于这个月份。

对于GFW的这种宽大处理，我恭恭敬敬地双手奉上.5中南海——为什么不是.8的？废话，这是要符合身份的。

 

既然是这样的一个九月，还是老实念佛，往生极乐，南无观世音菩萨。

 

注：本文中所有的链接均来自于那个绝对靠谱的2006年9月（注意！点击本链接之后，你会在一段时间内无法访问本博的任何页面，以切身感受GFW的强大力量~欢迎各位在确认本文前面的所有链接都已一探究竟之后尽情体验~）

 

 

这是两年半之前的事情：

 

两年半过去了，上面提到的一切还都是那个熊样……

 

倒是由于GFW而派生出来正正邪邪的牛鬼蛇神发展速度极其迅猛~

 

多难兴邦，多障翻墙。

 

作者:蒋中正

 

——中华民国三十八年一月一日——

 

　今天是中华民国三十八年开国纪念日。自国父倡导国民革命，创造中华民国，开国至今，整整经过了三十七年。在这一长期间之中，革命先烈，爱国军民，流血牺牲，坚贞奋斗，饱经挫折，备历艰辛，宪法才得实施，宪政才告成立；我们今日在宪政政府成立之后，第一次举行开国纪念，深觉岁月蹉跎，建国事业如此迟滞，三民主义未能实现，实在是感愧万分。溯自抗战结束之后，政府唯一的方针在和平建设，而政府首要的任务，在收复沦陷了十四年的东北，以期保持我国家领土主权的完整，但是三年以来，和平建国的方针遭逢了阻挠，东北接收的工作也竟告失败；且在去年一年之中，自济南失守以后，锦州、长春、沈阳相继沦陷，东北九省重演“九一八”的悲剧，华东、华北是工商事业集中的区域，学术文化荟萃的都市，今日皆是匪患的威胁，政府卫国救民的志职未能达成，而国家民族的危机更加严重，这是中正个人领导无方，措施失当，有负国民付托之重，实不胜其惭惶悚栗，首先应当引咎自责的。

　今日戡乱军事已进入了严重的阶段，国家的存亡，民族的盛衰，历史文化的绝续，都要决定于这一阶段之中，而我同胞每一个人、每一家族的自由或奴役，生死或存亡，也要在这一阶段之中来决定了。怎样才能渡过这一难关，克服这一危机，成为我同胞每一个人异常关怀的问题，而大家对于政府当前的决策，都感觉其利害关系之重大。因为剿匪军事加重了人民的负担，加深了人民的痛苦，大家也都希望战事及早结束，和平及早实现，所以和战问题盘旋于每一同胞的心坎之间，而政府为战为和亦更为每一同胞所关怀。中正受全民的付托，负国家的重责，对于当前的局势自应有详切的检讨，至对于人民的希望，更不能不作深长的考虑。

　国父说：“中华民国之建国，其目的在和平。”中正为三民主义的信徒，秉承 国父的遗教，本不愿在对日作战之后，再继之以剿匪的军事，来加重人民的痛苦。所以抗日战事，甫告结束，我们政府立即揭举和平建国的方针，更进而以政治商谈军事调处的方法解决共党问题。不过经过了一年有半的时间，共党对于一切协议和方案都横加梗阻，使其不能依预期步骤见诸实施，而最后更发动其全国武装叛乱，危害国家的生存，我政府迫不得已乃忍痛动员，从事戡乱，这是最近的历史事实，在世人心目中记忆犹新。共产主义在中国的发展已历二十五年，而中正在此二十五年之中，无时不期待共党以国家民族为前提，循政党政治的常轨，共谋和平相处之道，以树立民主的弘规。三年以来，政治商谈之目的固在于和平，即动员戡乱之目的亦在于和平，但是今日时局为和为战，人民为祸为福，其关键不在于政府，亦非我同胞对政府片面的希望所能达成。须知这个问题的决定在于共党，国家能否转危为安，人民能否转祸为福，乃在于共党一转念之间。

　所以，我们同胞要解决这个问题，先要问明共党对和平的意向究竟如何？只要共党一有和平的诚意，能作确切的表示，政府必开诚相见，愿与商讨停止战事恢复和平的具体方法；只要和议无害于国家的独立完整，而有助于人民的休养生息；只要神圣的宪法不由我而违反，民主宪政不因此而破坏，中华民国的国体能够确保，中华民国的法统不致中断；军队有确实的保障，人民能够维持其自由的生活方式，与目前最低生活水准，则我个人更无复他求。中正毕生革命，早置生死于度外，只望和平果能实现，则个人的进退出处绝不萦怀，而一惟国民的公意是从。

　如果共党始终坚持武装叛乱到底，并无和平诚意，则政府亦惟有尽其卫国救民的职责，自不能不与共党周旋到底。尤其是京沪战区为政治中枢所在，更不能不全力保卫实行决战。我深信政府不仅在此有决胜的把握，而且整个国家转危为安，和全体人民转祸为福的枢机亦在于此。我同胞须知今日惟有军民一致，坚持此自卫战事，而在决战之中获得胜利，才能争取真正和平；更惟有忍受一时痛苦牺牲，才能免受铁幕重重暗无天日的地狱生活。中正个人自参加革命战争以来，迄今几四十年，我在每一长期战役之中，都是备历艰辛，饱经挫折，受尽诬蔑，无论失败到什么程度，我始终持有必胜信念，而最后也必能达到成功的境域。要知道我们所倚恃者为民族精神、人类正义与世界公理，共党匪军的暴力能劫取我东北，却不能征服我们的民族精神；能侵入我们的腹地，却不能侮辱我民族的人格。正义就是决胜的力量，公理终必胜过暴力。我们这一代遭逢了中国五千年历史空前未有的变局，也就是担负著五千年历史空前未有的使命，我们只有忍受一时的痛苦与牺牲，为国家民族的生存，历史文化的延续，生活方式的自由和后世子孙的滋长而奋斗。

　同胞们：当此岁序更新之际，缅怀国父及先烈缔造民国的艰难，体会前线军民坚贞奋斗的痛苦，更觉中正个人责任重大与职务艰巨；亦深信我爱国同胞决不能忍受共党的清算，不能坐视国家的危亡，只有军民一体，举国一致，团结奋斗，保障我们民主自由的生活，竭尽卫国保种的天职，收获八年抗战所得的成果，以告慰我无数军民先烈在天之灵。 国父说：“最后成功归于最后努力者”，愿与我全国同胞共勉之。

 

附  中华民国著作权法：

第九条 (著作权标的之限制)
　　下列各款不得为著作权之标的：
　　一、宪法、法律、命令或公文。
　　二、中央或地方机关就前款著作作成之翻译物或编辑物。
　　三、标语及通用之符号、名词、公式、数表、表格、簿册或时历。
　　四、单纯为传达事实之新闻报导所作成之语文著作。
　　五、依法令举行之各类考试试题及其备用试题。
　　前项第一款所称公文，包括公务员于职务上草拟之文告、讲稿、新闻稿及其他文书。

 

子夜，无意中打开了我一小外甥的Qzone，发现这孩子的Qzone里大部分是转贴的相对来说还算实用的一些文章。

这小子是一个略偏内向的学习不错的小男孩儿，他现在的QQ签名是：数学真好，我喜欢。

突然发现他竟然转了我的十年感言，我的那个汗啊……

往后翻，发现了他自己写的十年感言，看了一眼立马乐了：

 

【回忆1998年】
　　我刚出生
【回忆1999年】
　　...........
【回忆2000年】
　　.............
【回忆2001年】
　　.....................
【回忆2002年】
　　.........................
【回忆2003年】
　　...........................
【回忆2004年】
　　.......................
【回忆2005年】
　　.............................
【回忆2006年】
　　............................
【回忆2007年】
　　..............................
【回忆2008年】
　　我上初一啦！

 

好孩子，跟我学个省略号就足够了~

 

 

总是分了又聚，来了又去，

慌慌张张的生活着奔波与匆忙。

 

——这个夏天，似乎每个人都在离开。

离开城市，离开他乡，离开故土，离开心觞。

 

把音乐换成了小柯，给背对着的人们。

 

 

 

兄弟

 

服了吧，兄弟，看你还能怎么样
有了什么样的风光，就会受什么样的伤

算了吧，兄弟，失去她又能怎么样
只不过多了一份感伤，少了一些年轻时的模样

欲望是坚强背后的一束光
漆黑的夜我们一样惊慌

总是爱了又恨，对了又错
慌慌张张的生活着奔波与匆忙

总是分了又聚，来了又去
辛辛苦苦的寻找着幸福与理想

辛辛苦苦的寻找着你

 

 

 

无所不能的GFW在神经兮兮地封掉Spaces五天之后，终于相当仁慈的打开了一个小口子，让我等愚民上来放放风，透透气。

之所以是说仁慈，是因为同族的新生儿bing还在“病”中，处于隔离状态~

 

感谢政府感谢党。

 

 

三天，驾程1667公里，对自己而言，又是一个新的纪录。

 

这次出行的重大意义在于：

1、第一次由本人全权策划安排

2、以伺候老爹老娘为首要任务

3、第一次实现家庭跨省自驾游

因此，本次出行足以载入俺老王家的光辉史册。

 

玩转了大半个河南的景区，那些憋了一路的矫情的感想……还是欲言又止。就让一切的记忆慢慢发酵吧~

 

 

 

只把实用的信息罗列出来，让百度和google来得更猛烈些吧：

 

一、本次行车路线：

1、临淄-云台山：

临淄-济青高速-京福高速-济广高速-日东高速-东明下高速过黄河大桥，顺G106一路向北再奔新乡方向向西至滑县上大广高速-向广州方向上长济高速-直至修武南下高速-一路依照云台山指示牌至云台山的那个华而不实的硕大停车场。

2、云台山-洛阳：

云台山出来至焦作上焦桐高速（即焦温高速）-长济高速-二广高速-洛阳龙门下-观摩龙门石窟后向北进市区

3、洛阳-少林寺：

洛阳城区顺G310至白马寺观摩-结束后上二广高速-郑少洛高速-少林寺下

4、少林寺-临淄：

登封西上郑少洛高速-郑州绕城高速-连霍高速-兰南高速-过鲁豫交界-日兰高速-日东高速-济广高速-济南绕城高速-济青高速-back home

Tips：

1）东明-长垣段的高速至今尚未通车，去程时我抱着试一试的心态开到了东明发现这还真是路的尽头~只好向北饶了大概不到100公里的弯，顺便体验了大广高速~

2）河南的高速除了连霍高速上车稍多点，其他的高速路段真是又好又没车——我基本可以保持在均速160km/h行驶。

3）长济高速上一路都没有标识云台山的出口，这点很没脑子，比洛阳差很远。并且，路标上的“修武南”=高速地图上的“修武”。

4）返程时郑州绕城高速建议走东南线，比西北线少走十几公里。

5）济南绕城高速也是建议走东南线，尽管弯多山路多，但也少跑一点路。

 

二、门票及停车：

1、云台山：门票120+景区观光大巴60，号称亚洲最大的停车场小车一天20，其实可以直接开到岸上服务区住家庭旅馆~

2、龙门石窟：门票120，停车10

3、白马寺：门票50，停车10

4、少林寺：门票100+保险2，停车15

Tips：

1）云台山、龙门、白马寺都是值得一去的地方：云台山的精华在水，在龙门蹭个好导游很关键，白马寺则需要潜心细览。

2）老爷子由于过了60，门票一律半价——除了那个扯淡的少林寺。

3）说起少林寺，我来之前就已经把期望值降到了前所未有的低度，可这地方还真就是个制造奇迹的地方：这TM就是一充分弘扬河南人所有负面形象的展台。门票需要另收保险不说，还没有60岁以上半价的优惠。所谓的5A级景区管理极其混乱，进门需要另购票坐电瓶车至景点，到了山下还需另购票乘索道上山，景区示意图标识完全不明确，景区工作人员素质极其低下，四周骗子像苍蝇一样多——很遗憾，我们就不幸中招了。其实这些骗子还真赚不了你多少钱，就是从那些人嘴里面喷出来河南方言的花言巧语，听着就直反胃。经过少林寺的一番洗礼，真的很难不产生地域歧视~

 

三、住宿

1、在云台山住在了岸上服务区的家庭旅馆，标间80一晚，最大的优势是岸上服务区是离主要景点最近的服务区。

2、在洛阳宿如家王城公园店，没啥好说的，全国都一样。洛阳这个城市，还不错。

 

ok，乱七八糟码完了，大家完全可以忽略这篇日志。本人静等百度google前来捧场~

 

 

lay it down easy
but lay it on me

 

感谢《Prison Break》陪伴着我的这几年。

 

The end

 

 

 

今天，完美生活，又一个夙愿终得以偿。

 

 

总是要说再见

相聚又分离

总是走在漫长的路上

 

        ——5.9 今天

 

 

 

似乎这一切真的只能用完美来诠释了。

 

夜已过半，我的脑子里还在不间断地闪回着这两天饱赏的绝色——是的，完美。

 

 

上取天都

魂牵梦绕了十四年的天都绝顶，注定要用峻险的攀登之路作为圆我夙愿的最后一道屏障——对我而言，这不仅是一段攀登，更是一次对梦想的朝拜。

 

下探西海

在不知不觉中渐入峡谷幽深之处，溪谷之侧、栈道之上、奇松怪石之间，移步换景的感官盛宴不断地更新着对于梦幻景区的定义。

 

晨观日升

这是黄山一年仅赐五十余回的恩赏，我半躺在峭壁巨石上，任由晨光沐浴、山风轻抚，松涛阵阵之中，倾听群山的诵说。

 

暮赏夕落

松针交错之间，远处云海飘渺。在夕阳将下之时伫立在丹霞站旁，让落日的余晖化作一天最美的安别。

 

 

无论是在天高云淡的开阔峰顶之巅，还是在巧石满目的百步云梯之端，置身于如此美景之中，心灵不会滞留一丝杂质。

 

 

此行再品黄山

方终知

 

     天下无山

 

观止矣

 

 

眼瞅着这个三月就过去了

眼瞅着到这个城市快俩月了

眼瞅着世博园中国馆就成型了

眼瞅着那几条地铁线逐渐熟悉了

眼瞅着如今竟也把堵车当作享受了

眼瞅着街上姑娘们穿得越来越清凉了

眼瞅着一个多月都没正二八经看电影了

眼瞅着这破本子的屏轴就被顺手给掰断了

眼瞅着银行账户上那可怜的数字不增反降了

 

俺

反正

眼瞅着

目光淡定

只是不知道

TMD该瞅哪儿

 

 

翻看了最近几年这一天的日志，说不上来的感觉。

感谢渣子琨和八条在这一天赶到青岛，让我的这一天不至于寂寞。

七菜一汤、蛋糕、青啤，醉了……

感谢所有祝福我的人们，其实、你们才是我存在的意义。

感谢一切，生日快乐。

 

 

23：11分，躺在转椅上，等着0点的球。看着这几天的照片，觉得还是应该写点什么，尽管小腿肌肉的酸痛让我有些提不起精神。

 

此次哈尔滨之行算是我第一次领略了真正的北国风光。也许是处处感受着东北人直爽热情的性格，此次旅行也全无如苏杭闲游时步步感叹的心境——似乎也只能用一个直白的字来形容了：“爽”——中央大街吃马迭尔冰糕，爽；冰雪大世界里看童话般的冰雕王国，很爽；亚布力世界顶级雪道上滑雪，更爽！

 

以上为此行游记~呵呵~下面说一些实用的信息，也许看到此文的各位以后能够用到。

1、预订机票时尽量不选择机型为JET（即机型待定）的航班，实在是太不靠谱了。我1号晚上屁颠屁颠的坐着大巴到了机场，值机小姐温柔的一句“飞机坏在厦门了，没有确切时间”就让所有人傻眼了。我估计CZ6260这航班的飞机是南航临时征用厦航的（南航拥有厦航60%的股份）——这飞机本应从厦门飞温州、温州飞青岛、青岛飞哈尔滨。这坏在厦门了可不是没准点~还好我立马改签了第二天早上最早的航班——那一班就剩最后一个座位了~第二天登机时昨晚的航班还在厦门趴着呢。当然，因此变故不得不浪费了一晚上的房费，ft~

2、7天连锁中央大街店的地理位置还是没得说的，出门2分钟即到中央大街。房间除了隔音不好、网速不快、水温忽高忽低之外别的还是不错的……

3、在冰雪大世界里一定要注意相机的保暖。否则照不了几张就会没电的。各位看到的那些冰雪大世界里的照片有一半是我照了一张就没电然后放在口袋里用手捂一会儿再拿出来照的。

4、刚才提到了DC的保暖，下面说说关于人的保暖。也许是因为这次去的两天温度一直保持在-18～-10，风力保持在3-4级之下，我带去一拉杆箱的羽绒服、保暖内衣和围巾竟然都没用上……当然帽子和手套是必需的。我两天下来一直是毛衣毛裤外套登山鞋厚运动袜的配置——当然，大家也知道我向来抗冻~

5、关于雪场：亚布力确实名不虚传。去哈尔滨玩如果想滑雪的话，就应该选择去亚布力。但就算你到了亚布力，也不一定是到亚布力最好的国家体委滑雪场滑的——哈尔滨那些诱人的旅行社低价广告会把你带到同在亚布力的某不知名小滑雪场去的~具体的情况各位可以参考：http://www.yabuli.net。在此感谢老耿、吴姐、白姐、孙教练的热情招待和指导~

6、初次滑雪请个教练还是很有必要的，在教会你基本动作要领之外他还可以帮你穿上笨重的雪靴，替你扛雪板上坡，在索道上逗你解闷。最重要的是可以在很大程度上保护你的安全，在你摔倒之后也可以一把把你拎起来~恩、滑雪是不难学，只不过还是比较费体力的。

7、哈尔滨的机场大巴没有网上说得那么不堪，正常情况下从市内半小时一班，1个小时左右就到机场了。只是哈尔滨机场大厅建的太像火车站了……

 

恩……就写这么多，似乎没什么别的了。下次再去哈尔滨哪也不去就直奔亚布力了，滑雪很容易上瘾的~

看球去了~

 

 

真是到了年根儿了——还有个把小时，这一年就彻底结束了。我这篇已经成了个人传统的总结，一拖再拖，刚好勉强压在2008年的尾巴上出炉。

 

选片的标准不说了，有疑问的去掘最后的链接。

CCTV在回顾80年代动画片的主题歌，我看完再继续写……

唉、林妙可的声音确实很一般，不过这小loli也确实很可爱~

 

这一年下来，由于上半年没怎么看到几部如意的电影，于是下半年就恶补了些硬盘里存得都长毛了的老片子（简称“毛片”），当然还是有些片子在继续发毛。继续期待上天掉下来的移动硬盘——注意软着陆~

 

年初窝在那不见阳光的阁楼里捂着被子看完了这部片子，回家的冲动几乎让我无法自已。

一部刻画一年到头的平凡人平凡生活的电影，包容着所有中国人年关那淡淡的乡愁。

这可能是一部喜剧，可是当影片结尾《蓝莲花》出其不意地响起，我的眼眶还是湿润在了许巍温暖的嗓音中……

没有什么能够阻挡，

——这一句，恰到好处。

 

当我看到Wall·E睡觉前为自己荡起了孤独的摇篮，一股柔软的酸楚迅速弥漫开来。

可是，喔……这终究是一个多么美丽的世界。

 

恩、今年底才翻出这部片子来看。

战争是如此荒诞，民众是如此单纯，故事是如此残酷，影片是如此震撼。

这是一部永远“非主流”的记录那个年代的影片，却又是让我们在突兀中无法拒绝的如此真实。

 

发自内心的简单欢乐，为什么又是来自于好莱坞对中华文明的理解？

后来又出过一个短片《功夫熊猫：盖世五侠的秘密》，意犹未尽的可以找来看看~

 

听着音乐看着风景去品味小镇的故事。阳光和海浪，简单而舒缓。看完信后，把一切都忘在心底吧……

 

我对关于天才的电影有着特殊的钟爱。就把这两部放在一起吧。

当然《全民超人》说得也是天才……可是2008年说到Will的电影还是看下面的一部吧~

 

尽管影片没有很完美地做好对各个细节的描述，可是当影片最后Ezra用清澈温暖的眼神注视着面前的这个女人：“你一定就是Emily”，七磅的重量是如此深情。

 

女权主义的报复式意淫。我记住这部影片的原因是因为猫小萌推荐的一篇影评和狗吃人鞭的场景~

 

我知道在很多人眼里这是一部很一般的电影。我在电影院里坐定的时候，对这部影片也并没有太多的期待。可是开场的公交车站就让我怀疑这是不是青岛，而下一个镜头就给了流亭机场，让我一下子亲切起来。影片中处处充斥着青岛城市独特的味道：当时尚未竣工的东海路9号和青岛大剧院，如今早已退役的双层316，刘烨竟然可以从五四广场一口气跑到天主教堂——这个城市包容了我五年半的时光流逝，也许如今真的到了就要离开的时候，我却不知道该如何转身去背对她的恋之风景……

 

 

仔仔的一篇气急败坏的日志，enjoy~

 

 

 

上周末逛街时，发现了魔方，顿时，站在那里考虑着该怎么办。小的时候玩过一个，不过很是不正宗，4×4的，六面不是单纯的颜色，印象最深的是红色面，16个英文字符，每次我都从此面开始，当然，也是从此面结束。想到这，兴趣被勾起来了，花了12大洋买了个3×3的，一路上玩的不亦乐乎。

 

所以，我最近，最近在玩魔方！很有趣，很休闲的一个游戏。不对，应该这么说，本来是，很有趣，很休闲的一个游戏，可以坐办公室，公车，地铁上慢慢转啊转，转着转着，就到时间了（当然，办公室，是下班时才转）。然后，然后，我做了个很是让我后悔的觉定，告诉了小春子，并邀请一起来玩，当时的想法是，这厮（小春子SPACE里说别人时的专用词）最近好像挺闲，带他玩玩吧。没想到这厮如此积极，当晚就买了一个国甲3×3的魔方（这厮最近真的是很闲）。

 

然后，我的后悔开始了。首先，这厮的魔方规格很高，价格上就胜出我不少（45大洋）。不过这方面的因素很快被我给想通了，这厮以前压根就碰过魔方，买的时候，也是头脑一热（就跟这厮安排元旦一样），所以基本可以确定，厮被人给骗了（多花了33大洋），以这厮的文化，这种情况很少出现，所以，这个后悔，很快让我很开心：）

 

其次，当时我搜集了很多资料，照我的想法，慢慢看啊，然后，然后，后悔又来了，我发给了这厮一个魔方小站的地址（最气人的是，第二天我给忘记了，又找厮要了一遍），在这个过程中，我完全忘记了这厮最近很闲+这厮很有文化。第二天，厮告诉我，拼好了。我当时就呆了，厮，不能宽恕，然后，我找厮要了网址，开始了研究的过程。在这个过程里，厮不断的更换签名，告诉我说，速度提升的进度。这厮，可以在老板眼皮下提升速度，所以在这三天里，我每天下班后的工作就是研究视频，完全没有了休闲的意思（特别说明下从这厮告诉我的那天算起，到我完成六面合体，共三天，本来只要两天的，可惜，意志不够坚定，陪别人看了场电影）。

 

这厮，害得我三天来每天下班后还要研究视频，害得我连续三晚玩到十一点睡觉，害得我昨晚，蹲在客厅提升速度（为了今早来跟他炫一下，结果，这厮，再我发了信息后没反应。刚才回了，说了句，嗯？）。

 

现在，终于，六面合体，速度，也应该差不多了。如果再加上这厮的国甲极有可能被骗，所以现在，我最近，最近在玩魔方！很有趣，很休闲的一个游戏。

 

经过这次事件，我以后的计划是，先玩，然后再带小春子，或者，干脆不带了。然后，我还有个目标：以后的目标是，闭着眼，打呵欠，单手，打完呵欠以后，说，靠，又拼好了。当我完成这个目标时，我要杀去青岛，在小春子这厮工作的写字楼下，藏着，看到他下来时，在他后面，拍他下肩膀，在他很镇静的说出我名字之后（这厮，一直，很镇静），我，闭着眼，打呵欠，单手，打完呵欠以后，说，靠，又拼好了。然后在这厮目瞪口呆的时候，再藏起来，然后再从后面拍他肩膀。。。。

 

PS:这厮刚才，不爽了，估计，正在努力提升速度了。所以现在，我最近，最近在玩魔方！很有趣，很休闲的一个游戏。

 

 

好吧终于12月了。

2008年的下半年本博一直在维持一个月限量生产一篇水分颇大的日志。刚开始很爽，后来自己也不爽了，有点憋不住了——丫好歹十二月了，按照我以往的癖好这个月份是无论如何也很难做到只制造一篇废话的。于是乎可算不用绷着了，今天岛城的天气回暖，正好适合胡言乱语。

 

昨天是某男人和某女人的生日。恩，提及一下的目的是为了赚取某男人的留言——当然也许很可能另一个厮也会琢磨一下~

 

周末在家憋了两天，洗衣服，浇花，白天黑夜地看很不爽的球和很不错的电影并且数次策划还是没有打成升级。唯一可圈可点的是和八条去吃了大盘的肉沫木耳&大盘的香菇油菜&每人三碗米饭——吃完后把碗摞在一起后买单走人，爽。出门左转去麦凯乐六楼娱乐投篮以消化肚子里那些被老道今生视为毒品的香菇~

已经吃了一两个月的八条款挂面，总体而言这厮水平忽高忽低，以至于让我无法准确地定位肠胃的期望值和承受值。但更不爽的是这厮每次都要把仅有的两三片辣椒和姜片盛到我的碗里并且很变态地一边唱着“十八的姑娘一朵花~一朵花，美丽青春好年华~好年华，如果要嫁人不要嫁给别人，一定要嫁给我”一边对这些辣椒和姜片乐此不疲……另外，这厮在这个周末正式告别了用我那电饭锅内胆吃面条的历史，强势更新为价值不菲的不锈钢盆——从此八条的饭盆终于是货真价实名正言顺的盆了……

 

经济危机的影响似乎已经深入到了大街小巷。今天中午去楼下常去的地方吃饭：关门谢客；转战另一据点：停业整顿。不禁感慨如今这个转速超负荷的世界，仅仅一个周末的时间岛城东部核心商圈的小饭馆局势就能风云突变啊~无奈之下去吃了煎饼果子并有惊人发现：3块5的煎饼果子竟然开始加肠了——哼哼，家乐福要小心了，家乐福过街地道的山寨们已经打响了血腥价格战的第一枪了~

 

近一年来以上网易看评论上校内停车和上Qunar探寻航班实时动态打折信息为乐。如今WY淫民依旧强大，布加迪威龙触手可及，但看着那些100+的机票价格，我脚上的羊八井地图蠢蠢欲动。本人的轮休和年假都攒得有些发霉了，为了防止在这个任何东西都能迅速贬值的时代里遭遇不测，本人再度计划元旦出行。预计大概5天时间，不知各位有何推荐。

 

我还想说什么来着……恩、最近有很多电脑中招，杀毒软件不管用360打不开ghost没法整系统巨卡并且有一系列其他症状在此不表。如有以上症状者，win+R后输入msconfig进入启动项查看是否有一个system.exe的启动项，如果有，恭喜你可以继续往下看：从别人的机器上下载一个360顽固木马专杀并将其exe文件改名后拷到自己机器上运行扫描，一般可以扫出来千儿八百个木马然后查杀清除。将启动项里乱七八糟的东西去掉后重启。如果依然还有木马——个人认为这时候用ghost还原一下是个省时省力的选择，起码这时候ghost能用了。重装后用360打好补丁，清理干净就ok了。

对于还没中招的，在幸灾乐祸的同时注意用360打好补丁（这家伙是不会给你装WGA\OGA来黑屏吓唬你的~），特别是KB958644这个补丁一定要打~

 

感恩节后圣诞节前黑白友情馈赠，绝对靠谱：

KB958644补丁下载地址（For WinXP）

至今为止用过的最好用的Ghost版XP下载地址

 

八条催我吃面条了，so……

OVER

 

 

　　豫章故郡，洪都新府。星分翼轸，地接衡庐。襟三江而带五湖，控蛮荆而引瓯越。物华天宝，龙光射牛斗之墟；人杰地灵，徐孺下陈蕃之榻。雄州雾列，俊采星驰。台隍枕夷夏之交，宾主尽东南之美。都督阎公之雅望，棨戟遥临；宇文新州之懿范，襜帷暂驻。十旬休假，胜友如云；千里逢迎，高朋满座。腾蛟起凤，孟学士之词宗；紫电青霜，王将军之武库。家君作宰，路出名区，童子何知，躬逢胜饯。
　　时维九月，序属三秋。潦水尽而寒潭清，烟光凝而暮山紫。俨骖騑于上路，访风景于崇阿；临帝子之长洲，得天人之旧馆。层峦耸翠，上出重霄；飞阁流丹，下临无地。鹤汀凫渚，穷岛屿之萦回；桂殿兰宫，即冈峦之体势。
　　披绣闼，俯雕甍，山原旷其盈视，川泽纡其骇瞩。闾阎扑地，钟鸣鼎食之家；舸舰迷津，青雀黄龙之舳。云销雨霁，彩彻区明。落霞与孤鹜齐飞，秋水共长天一色。渔舟唱晚，响穷彭蠡之滨；雁阵惊寒，声断衡阳之浦。
　　遥襟甫畅，逸兴遄飞。爽籁发而清风生，纤歌凝而白云遏。睢园绿竹，气凌彭泽之樽；邺水朱华，光照临川之笔。四美具，二难并。穷睇眄于中天，极娱游于暇日。天高地迥，觉宇宙之无穷；兴尽悲来，识盈虚之有数。望长安于日下，目吴会于云间。地势极而南溟深，天柱高而北辰远。关山难越，谁悲失路之人？萍水相逢，尽是他乡之客。怀帝阍而不见，奉宣室以何年。
　　嗟乎！时运不齐，命途多舛。冯唐易老，李广难封。屈贾谊于长沙，非无圣主；窜梁鸿于海曲，岂乏明时？所赖君子见机，达人知命。老当益壮，宁移白首之心？穷且益坚，不坠青云之志。酌贪泉而觉爽，处涸辙以犹欢。北海虽赊，扶摇可接；东隅已逝，桑榆非晚。孟尝高洁，空余报国之情；阮籍猖狂，岂效穷途之哭？
　　勃，三尺微命，一介书生。无路请缨，等终军之弱冠；有怀投笔，慕宗悫之长风。舍簪笏于百龄，奉晨昏于万里。非谢家之宝树，接孟氏之芳邻。他日趋庭，叨陪鲤对；今兹捧袂，喜托龙门。杨意不逢，抚凌云而自惜；钟期既遇，奏流水以何惭？
　　呜呼！胜地不常，盛筵难再；兰亭已矣，梓泽丘墟。临别赠言，幸承恩于伟饯；登高作赋，是所望于群公。敢竭鄙怀，恭疏短引；一言均赋，四韵俱成。请洒潘江，各倾陆海云尔。

 

 

在我的记忆里，似乎还从没有在一个城市一次停留恰好二十四小时。这个秋天的泉城，成全了我的一天。

在这样的一个二十四小时里，既有漫步在这座新农村型城市后花园的自由自在，也会在秋日里悠远的天空下平淡地坐看云起。当然，不变追随的，是那永远自由的心。

 

行程的影像都放在了相册里，各位自行看图说话，本博负责答疑解惑。

 

感谢老赵，是你亲手将这次旅行由幻想、冲动一步步地变成了现实并在我的记忆中烙下了如此闪亮的瞬间——我们叫嚣着“再年轻一把”踏上了旅程，其实，我们本来就依旧年轻。

感谢徒弟，这个被我连拉带扯地一气儿拖上了千佛山又威逼利诱地迅速滑了下去的家伙，和那一人两瓶的果缤纷。

感谢许巍，所有上面一切发生的原点，让没有什么能够阻挡。

感谢青春，时间一枪打在了我身上，生命的脉络历历可见。

 

 

也许是出发太久
我竟然迷失在旅途

我最亲爱的朋友
你让我再一次醒来

 

听你说的故事
深深打动我
来自这个世界
来自我们真实的生活

 

故事里始终都有爱

无论有怎么样的艰难曲折

故事里永远都有爱

永远是美丽温暖的光明结局

 

寂静的天光云影
映衬着冬日的晚霞

我最亲爱的朋友
你给我春天的感觉

 

听你说的故事
深深打动我
来自这个世界
来自我们真实的生活

 

故事里始终都有爱

无论有怎么样的艰难曲折

故事里永远都有爱

永远是美丽温暖的光明结局

 

寂静的天光云影
映衬着冬日的晚霞

我最亲爱的朋友
你给我春天的感觉

 

 

今天在新浪新闻上看到了这张皇马夺得2008年西班牙超级杯的图片：

 

一霎那间记忆回到了五年前，想起了那张曾贴在我那饱经沧桑的文具盒盖内侧的图片——那是皇马夺得2003年超级杯后的图片：

同样的奖杯、同样的欢乐、甚至同样的合影姿势，只是照片的主角们却早已各奔东西，只剩西班牙人还能重温五年前的气息。

 

PS：奥运终于结束了，西甲这周末就开始了，这衔接的，没法再优化了~