黑白导读

FT上总会有一些人认为许知远是在拿着英磅对中国故作呻吟，只是用文字对现状进行着不经意的描述，却从来也不提什么具体的建议。即便从某些角度来看似乎的确是这样，但在我看来，许知远起码是一个真正独立思考并将其付之于笔墨的观察者。在这样一个浮躁的时代，又有多少人能做到这一点。

对于下面转载的《对话的困境（四）》，我个人认为是该系列刊发至今最好的一篇。剖析了那些类如twitter上近乎疯狂的所谓“异见者”们的行为心理及其衍生影响的小众心态。所谓公众社会意见领袖也好，异见者也好，有时的确不如真正的观察者更有力量。

而对于《错失的十年》，仅标题就正合我的观点：这两年，主旋律媒体的无数颂歌赞美着三十年和六十年的成就，做着1978和2008，1949和2009之间的数字游戏。但又有多少人敢将最近的十年进行比较——比之1999，现在的社会，谁又能够说出民众的生活有了多大的改善。“改善”已经是很温和的词了，也许用一些它的反义词，倒是有不少恰如其分。

 

在中国经济成长最迅速的十年里，中国私营企业家最热衷的活动是登山，自由知识分子则大谈基督教。

——许知远 《对话的困境》

有人认为，既然民主试验屡遭失败，自由市场陷入金融危机，那么中国或许找到了它的独特模式。

——许知远 《错失的十年》

 

本系列全部文章请见：许知远 FT中文网 专栏 《2009:中国纪事》

 

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对话的困境（四）
英国《金融时报》中文网专栏作家 许知远 2009-11-19

原文链接：http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001029824?page=1

 

在此刻的中国，你可以读到任何东西，但很多人根本不知道这些东西的存在，我们有了互联网，但它没有带来太多的改变。

戴晴这样说。二十年前，她在中国无人不知，一个勇敢、富有才华的新闻记者，不懈的社会活动家。她对寻求真相抱有异乎寻常的热忱，她追寻王实味、储安平的命运。他们都因拒绝在意识形态面前放弃个人的正直和独立的思想，而被淹没在扭曲的历史烟尘中。她编辑出版了第一本关于三峡工程的重要文集，提醒人们注意它可能导致灾难性后果。她也体验过牢狱之灾。

在过去二十年中，她仍勤奋写作，投身环保活动，但年轻一代已经很少知晓她了。她最近出版的关于张东荪的传记，只能在香港与台湾发行。她当年倾力反对的三峡工程，则一步一步、不可阻挡地成为现实。在此刻中国的公共空间，她的声音消失了。它不是来自于直接的压力与限制，而是让你淹没在更多、更杂乱的信息中，它让你的言论无法转化成有效的行动，而使言论仅仅沦为一种姿态，听众们则变得厌倦、以至于反感。

三峡工程再恰当不过反应出这种新的现实。一九九零年代初，富有正义的学者们仍极力表明自己的反对，即使一向被视作像皮图章的全国人大都有三分之一的代表表明自己的否定立场。但引人争议的工程最终还是在政治权力的主导下通过了，不同意见的专家被剔除出顾问名单。在接下来的十年中，巨大的移民工程、环境的隐患，吸引了新闻记者的注意，他们见证、描述了大工程下的个人悲剧。他们甚至也揭露出，工程所需的投入比当初计划得要多得多，带来的经济前景则不似当初描绘的美好。但工程已经开始，它有了自身的逻辑，很多组织和个人，都依赖它获取现实利益。而且它是因政治原因而起，终止它则意味着某种政治决策的失误。新一代的政治人物既不愿意冒险去否定上一代的遗产，也不愿意承担未来的历史责任。二零零六年五月二十日，当三峡大坝最后一方混凝土浇筑完毕时，没有一位高级别的官员出现在现场。

似乎没有什么力量，能够停顿大坝继续生长。它变得越高大，质疑的声音就愈显微弱。而当抗议只能停留在表层现实，不能进入深入的分析，或通过已有的组织转为行动时，抗议就变得雷同，让人厌倦，公众转而寻找更新鲜有趣的东西。抗议者也身陷无力，而只能更加强调自己的姿态。贾樟柯二零零七年的电影《三峡好人》像是无力情绪的隐喻——错误难以被纠正，一切都已发生，我们最后能做的仅仅是将抗议转化成审美经验。

三峡工程不也正是过去二十年中国社会的隐喻吗？所有的异议声音，都将被某种方式吞噬和挤压掉。这个过程不是一九五七年百花齐放之后的万马齐喑，也不是一九八九年之后的肃杀冷漠，而是让你缓慢地自我放弃，不可救药地被边缘化。

如果说戴晴仍因昔日名声和活跃，仍因居住在中国，而被视作一个标志性的人物，那么这次在法兰克福书展中与她同时倍受争议的贝岭，则更少为人知。多年前，我第一次读到他编辑的《倾向》。那是一九九九年的夏天，我坐在北京大学东门外一条小巷中的一间咖啡馆里发呆。临桌一个瘦弱的男子正从书包里拿出那几本书，这不是公开发行的出版物，他正在说服咖啡店的老板能够代卖，这多少有一点点风险。我记得当时随手翻阅过，却没有购买。我和朋友们在兴致盎然的谈论去做一个网站。对我们来说，硅谷是这个时代的中心，即使你热爱写作，也该去思考数字年代的商业规则，或是创办一本像《连线》这样的杂志。《倾向》仍在谈论思想、文学、甚至是流亡作家，它显得太陈旧了，似乎和这个充满希望、机会蜂拥而来的中国社会脱了节。我们都还年轻，希望自己迅速富有、著名、被人喜爱，从硅谷到中关村，一些青年人已经展现了他们直线式的成功奇迹。谁想成为一个愁眉苦脸的流亡作家？

这六十年的中国真是个奇妙历程。前三十年，人们经历了奥威尔的噩梦。他害怕的是那些强行禁书的人，信息被掩盖，真理被隐瞒，文化受控制。如今奥威尔的噩梦尚未完全醒来，赫胥黎的梦魇又叠加了上来，不需要努力的禁书，没有人愿意读书，汪洋如海的信息吞噬了人们的思考，真理被淹没在无聊烦琐的世事中，文化成为充满感官刺激、欲望和无规则游戏的庸俗文化……

我忘记是怎样逐渐知道贝岭的，或许是因为我实在没有能力让自己在新经济浪潮中变得成功和富有。我买到了能买到的所有《倾向》，还找到了他编辑的哈维尔的文集。我喜欢他语言的紧张感，尽管这大有模仿苏珊·桑塔格之嫌。我也得知他创办的中国流亡作家的笔会，我的几个大学时代的朋友也是其中的会员。但对于他们，我似乎总保持着某种距离。似乎是在潜意识里担心自己也会被驱赶到一个边缘地带。他们用中文写作，声音却无法被中国公众听到。与画家或是电影导演不同，他们的语言是地域性的，只有很少人的作品有机会被翻译成别的语言。读一首北岛的英文诗，和看一部有英文字幕的张艺谋的电影，完全是两回事。他们唯一抵达中国公众的方式是网络，但这经常变成了一个滑稽剧场。对中国现状的批评，经常滑向了习惯性的嘲讽。因为中国的问题太多了，所有的问题似乎都遵循同样简单的逻辑，而它们很难因为批评而改变，所以这些嘲讽和批评就不得不一次次重复，直到有一天变成了烦躁的谩骂。

对于一个异议作家，这真是个让人沮丧的游戏。最初你持有对现实的批评态度，是个自由派，但在某一刻你或有意或无意触碰了某个敏感边界，然后你被贴上了“异议”的名称。然后你的名字在公开出版物上消失了。它不仅是政治压力的结果，也因为出版社与媒体的自我审查。他们只能寻求在海外华人的出版物或是网络上表达意见。它感觉自己的表达空间被迅速压缩和抽象，然后不由自主焦躁和压抑，还有一个作家被读者遗忘的恐惧。只有很少的人能在这新的现实中，重新寻找自我，探索写作的意义。大部分人则在海外中文出版物和网络空间上，加倍表现自己的愤怒，他们开始沦为自己姿态的俘虏，他们原本的丰富性和延展性被抽干了，他们“异议”的身份逐渐强烈，而“作家”与“知识分子”的身份减弱。但他们中的很多都是自省之人，他们知道自己陷入了心理危机，于是很多人转而寻求更强大的精神慰籍。在过去的十年中，异议知识分子大规模投身基督教，多少像是这种心理危机的反应。这真是黑色的幽默，在中国经济成长最迅速的十年里，中国最成功的私营企业家最热衷的活动是登山，而且是集体性的，倘若一场雪崩到来，很多企业可能一下子陷入困境。而在中国问题变得日益复杂的十年里，自由知识分子则大谈基督教。八十年，朱利安·本达把那些投身于激烈的民族主义和意识形态之中的潮流，称作“知识分子的背叛”，而如今中国知识分子对基督教突然性、不加分析地拥抱，是另一种背叛吗？

用背叛似乎太残酷了。在中国成为一个异议者从来充满风险。“在我们的文明中只有两种异议者：天真的英雄和标新立异艺术家”，匈牙利作家米克洛斯·哈拉兹蒂曾写道，“他们都注定变得无关紧要。”在米克洛斯写下这些文字的二十世纪八十年代初，匈牙利模式正大获全胜。匈牙利政府在一九六零年代中期引入了市场经济，并放松了社会管制，它和普通人达成了这样一种默契——我给你更好的物质生活，你放弃对政权的挑战。这里有可口可乐、牛仔裤，捷克斯洛伐克的青年羡慕这里甚至还有摇滚乐演出。

专制政体、意识形态控制并未改变，但比起仍旧严酷的其他共产主义阵营国家，匈牙利像是个天堂，它更富有、也更自由，人们说它是“牛肉汤共产主义”。但只有敏锐如米克洛斯才会大声指出，这是天鹅绒监狱。监狱的铁栏杆虽然套上柔软的天鹅绒，但它仍是监狱。

艺术家与知识分子也获得了某种新的空间，但一种新的危险也随之到来。他们主动放弃了自己的独立性，他们和现有政治权力不仅达成妥协，甚至相互依赖。在这种情况下，异议者遭遇的挑战，不仅是传统意义上的压迫，也来自他的同行、他的读者与观众。他们担心他的挑战，会破坏掉既有稳定的局面，危急他们的个人生活，担心他们已享用到的稳定和富足再度失去。这种焦虑，会转变成怨恨和疏离，他们远离这些异议者，拒绝给他们支持甚至注意力。“绝望的无政府主义是他们保持个人独立的唯一方式。”米克洛斯评论说。

权力对比的失衡、沟通渠道的堵塞，是催生无政府主义者的温床。除去姿态，他们无可依靠，然后他们又被姿态吞噬。戴晴与贝岭成为世界媒体关注的中心时，不是因为他们的作品，而是因为他们的姿态。比戴晴和贝岭更不幸的是四川作家廖亦武。自从他二十年前写了一首触犯政治忌讳的长诗以来，他坐过监牢，四处流亡，坚持他独特个人风格的写作——关于中国底层人物命运的访谈。他的作品出现在纽约的《巴黎评论》这样的精英读物上，翻译成英语和德语，他也是这次法兰克福书展被邀请的作家，但却像之前的几次尝试一样，他根本出不了国门。

“似乎只有通过这样的事，我们才能被外界所知。”他不无绝望地说。他的名字从来没有出现在中国大陆的出版物上，除去朋友的小圈子和一个更小的国际市场，没人知道他的努力。即使人们谈起他说，“异议”的标签也会掩盖对他作品的理解。很多中国人，包括生活在海外的华人，并不喜欢他们表现出的对抗感。当他们变得著名时，往往使这个政权陷入窘态。人们觉得似乎自己刚刚开始分享一个国家的强大给个人带来的荣耀，这些异议者就要在这些荣耀上抹黑。一种奇特的心理已经形成，人们可以对给人民带来的灾难保持惊人的容忍和耐心，却对质疑者毫无耐心，担心他们说出的任何话，都会影响整体的荣耀。

但是一个丧失了异议者，或仅仅把异议者推入绝望的国家与社会，最终会陷入可怕的迟钝与僵化，失去自我纠正的机制与动力。此刻的中国不正陷入一种内在的僵化吗？整个社会看似活跃异常，但仔细探究下去，所有的活动、所有的个体都遵循着同样的单调逻辑。整个中国担心焦虑于自己在世界的地位，希望除去向海外输出工业产品，还能传播自己的文化。但文化本是自由生长出来的，是不同观念碰撞而出的，是人们诚实的感知世界的结果。无法如建造大坝、工厂一样，去塑造教授、培养作家。

对异议者的排斥，像是给我们的思想套入了牢笼，不可触碰的禁忌四处标明。思想和想象力，随之扭曲变形。它也窒息了自我对话的空间。当我们焦虑于不能与世界对话，总是被西方被误解时，是因为我们自己的内部从未进行真正的对话，我们不尊重自己的艺术家和思想者，以及自己社会的创造力。人们利用艺术与思想，却从不尊重它，更没兴趣给它创造自由生长的空间。当我们越进行这种自我毁灭时，越对自己缺乏信任，却渴望外界、尤其是更强大国家的认可，越虚张声势地希望向它们输出些什么。

但这就是我们的现实。这个国家有如此悠久的历史，有如此惊心动魄的近代革命，有那么多活生生的、包含人间悲喜剧的个人经验，有那么多彼此交织的矛盾，倘若能够自由呈现与探索这些历程、这些矛盾，这些压抑、自由和荒诞，它将是人类多么重要的精神财富。但我们却漠视这一切，禁止一些勇敢和富有想象力的人去探索。而在一次次禁止之后，一场更大的内在危机到来了，最有才华的人主动放弃了这些探索，因为它知道这些探索注定困难重重，充满了莫名的危险。他开始只在规定的路径上、以被认可的方式来前进。于是，一种致命的平庸最终裹挟了整个社会，其中最杰出的头脑，也不过是为西方的价值系统提供了某种中国经验和案例，他们展现不了独特的方法、思想以及事实。

 

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错失的十年
英国《金融时报》中文网专栏作家 许知远 2009-10-22

原文链接：http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001029306

拖着彩烟的战斗机划过上空，中心的道路被封锁，每一个井盖都再次被检查，华人明星们聚集在一部电影中为国家权力唱赞歌……炫耀、傲慢、紧张、焦躁、荒诞的气氛包围着北京。

中华人民共和国的六十周年的庆祝，最终与“人民”与“共和”毫无关系，它是官僚系统的一次自我庆祝。被挑选的人民出现在广场上，他们欢乐与舞蹈，像是活动的道具。

在一个信息泛滥、记忆模糊的年代，重温往事变得如此艰巨，更何况，官僚权力仍牢牢把握着过去，它选择记忆的内容和尺度。年老的一代，主张去忘却苦难，因为欢乐似乎更对眼前的生活有利，更何况，在长期的教条之下，他们可能也失去了重新审视自己生活的能力；年轻的一代，他们还来不及体验，或者是过多混杂的信息，已占据了一切；那些愿意也有能力的回忆者，无法分享他们的记忆，一个扭曲的公共空间不能也没兴趣分给他一席之地。我们是一个习惯遗忘的国家。我们夸耀五千年的历史，但每个人对二十年前的事，都记忆不清。

倘若六十年的历程太过复杂，其中的悲剧太过让人不安，就让我们谈谈最近的十年。这个中国日益富有、国际影响力日益强大的十年，它将以十月一日的阅兵，而达到顶峰。但很有可能，历史学家将把2001年之后的十年，定义为一个错失的十年。

 

任何一个组织，它是一家公司、一所学校或是一个国家，它的表面的辉煌和内在的弊端，都可能并行不悖。通用汽车在八十年代初即已问题丛生，但是规模掩盖了一切，当一切被揭开时，它变成了一艘迅速下沉的巨艇；传统的声誉也带来遮蔽，北京大学早已丧失了大学内在品质和创造能力，但是它依旧可以凭借蔡元培时代的成就来自我炫耀；俾斯麦时代的德国，是欧洲新生的强权，它的军事、商业、科学、文学上的成就都令人瞩目，但是当一战爆发时，人们才意识到它蕴涵着如此的内在缺陷：教育溃败、信仰丧失、人民的分裂、官僚系统的膨胀、多元声音和制衡机制的消失，它是个金与铁的年代。

那中国呢？还记得2001年前后，这个国家曾经蕴涵的对未来的乐观和期望吗？它渡过了九十年代初的严寒和紧接而至的喧哗与躁动，经济自由已经带来了一个相对宽松、尽管仍然弱小的市民空间；私人经济不断蓬勃，而且逐渐孕育了一个中产阶级群体；互联网技术打破了信息匮乏，让人们看到更广阔的世界，年轻人纷纷要开始创造自己的事业，尽管他们的视野仍单一，却充满了活力；国际化和技术革命一样，增加了乐观，中国要举办奥运会，加入了WTO，国际规则将可能帮助这个古老国家跳出旧循环的困境；连政治体制也做出了某种妥协，它欢迎私人企业主的加入，经过了九十年代末的私有化浪潮，官僚系统的控制能力衰退了，人们也希望这个在全球商业环境中成长起来的商人阶层，能变成另一支社会力量……

但将近十年过去了，最初的这些期望，都改变了味道。这个国家不仅没有把握住那个强大的上升潮流，反而使之改了味。表面上，它的确日益强大：经济增长的速度无人匹敌，军费开支迅速攀升，它培养了世界上最多的工程师和技术专家。但一旦深入其中，你会发现：私有经济的活力，正迅速被国有企业的垄断所挤压；大学教育彻底沦为权力与金钱的俘虏，培养出一代没有灵魂和人格的青年；市民空间尚未成熟，就已被控制、收买，然后自甘堕落；互联网没有转化成自由表达的渠道，反而愈发变成了群众语言暴力的发泄场，它令公众轻易陷入极端化的情绪；社会的不稳定感在迅速增加，贫富差距和普遍的腐败，则令民怨四起……在这些变化背后是一种令人忧虑的倾向，社会的独立空间、个人的独立性、市场和技术的自由度，都在被国家权力所吞噬，整个社会的创造力和热情，被消耗和扭曲，而这种创造力和热情，才是推动一个国家的根本动力。

此外，国际局势的变化，也帮助掩饰了中国的停滞。既然民主试验屡遭失败，自由市场陷入金融危机，那么中国或许的确找到了它的独特模式。但倘若你认识了这种模式的代价有多么高昂，它的独特性就实在不值得赞赏。

（完）

 

——奥巴马首访上海演讲并与学生交流之全文及车前马后（附白宫视频 & 传神图片 & 华盛顿邮报新闻 & 抨击奥巴马胡扯的神秘人物）

 

声明及友情提示：视频及全文实录取自白宫官网，随后的新闻取自华盛顿邮报。当然大家在2009年11月17日一大早能看到链接中的视频并不代表n天后依旧如此，所以，点击链接要趁早，起床也是，抢沙发亦然。

PS：不愿意看长篇鸟语的，本文的开头结尾部分也足够有意思~

 

即使CNN特派女记者Emily Chang由于在镜头前展示印有奥巴马身穿中国解放军制服的T恤，在上海被扣留2小时。正面中文写着“为人民服务”，背面英文写着"Oba-Mao"（奥巴毛）：

 

——但奥巴马终究不是奥巴毛，也不是奥特曼，顶多是个欧巴马，尽管他在中国第一秒的亮相是挺ET的：

 

 

 

==================与韩正吹牛皮侃大山的分割线===========================

 

先奉上原版未刀视频链接（请注意奥巴马身后诸位面部表情貌似僵化的美女们）~

 

下面是全文实录（其实也没啥意思，被天朝媒体迅速和谐的一段已作高亮标注）：

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release                       November 16, 2009

  

Remarks by President Barack Obama at Town Hall Meeting with Future Chinese Leaders

Museum of Science and Technology, Shanghai, China

1:18 P.M. CST

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Good afternoon.  It is a great honor for me to be here in Shanghai, and to have this opportunity to speak with all of you.  I'd like to thank Fudan University's President Yang for his hospitality and his gracious welcome.  I'd also like to thank our outstanding Ambassador, Jon Huntsman, who exemplifies the deep ties and respect between our nations.  I don't know what he said, but I hope it was good.  (Laughter.) 

What I'd like to do is to make some opening comments, and then what I'm really looking forward to doing is taking questions, not only from students who are in the audience, but also we've received questions online, which will be asked by some of the students who are here in the audience, as well as by Ambassador Huntsman.  And I am very sorry that my Chinese is not as good as your English, but I am looking forward to this chance to have a dialogue.

This is my first time traveling to China, and I'm excited to see this majestic country.  Here, in Shanghai, we see the growth that has caught the attention of the world -- the soaring skyscrapers, the bustling streets and entrepreneurial activity.  And just as I'm impressed by these signs of China's journey to the 21st century, I'm eager to see those ancient places that speak to us from China's distant past.  Tomorrow and the next day I hope to have a chance when I'm in Beijing to see the majesty of the Forbidden City and the wonder of the Great Wall.  Truly, this is a nation that encompasses both a rich history and a belief in the promise of the future. 

The same can be said of the relationship between our two countries.  Shanghai, of course, is a city that has great meaning in the history of the relationship between the United States and China.  It was here, 37 years ago, that the Shanghai Communique opened the door to a new chapter of engagement between our governments and among our people.  However, America's ties to this city -- and to this country -- stretch back further, to the earliest days of America's independence.

In 1784, our founding father, George Washington, commissioned the Empress of China, a ship that set sail for these shores so that it could pursue trade with the Qing Dynasty. Washington wanted to see the ship carry the flag around the globe, and to forge new ties with nations like China.  This is a common American impulse -- the desire to reach for new horizons, and to forge new partnerships that are mutually beneficial.

Over the two centuries that have followed, the currents of history have steered the relationship between our countries in many directions.  And even in the midst of tumultuous winds, our people had opportunities to forge deep and even dramatic ties. For instance, Americans will never forget the hospitality shown to our pilots who were shot down over your soil during World War II, and cared for by Chinese civilians who risked all that they had by doing so.  And Chinese veterans of that war still warmly greet those American veterans who return to the sites where they fought to help liberate China from occupation.

A different kind of connection was made nearly 40 years ago when the frost between our countries began to thaw through the simple game of table tennis.  The very unlikely nature of this engagement contributed to its success -- because for all our differences, both our common humanity and our shared curiosity were revealed.  As one American player described his visit to China -- "[The]people are just like us…The country is very similar to America, but still very different."

Of course this small opening was followed by the achievement of the Shanghai Communique, and the eventual establishment of formal relations between the United States and China in 1979.  And in three decades, just look at how far we have come.

In 1979, trade between the United States and China stood at roughly $5 billion -- today it tops over $400 billion each year. The commerce affects our people's lives in so many ways.  America imports from China many of the computer parts we use, the clothes we wear; and we export to China machinery that helps power your industry.  This trade could create even more jobs on both sides of the Pacific, while allowing our people to enjoy a better quality of life.  And as demand becomes more balanced, it can lead to even broader prosperity. 

In 1979, the political cooperation between the United States and China was rooted largely in our shared rivalry with the Soviet Union.  Today, we have a positive, constructive and comprehensive relationship that opens the door to partnership on the key global issues of our time -- economic recovery and the development of clean energy; stopping the spread of nuclear weapons and the scourge of climate change; the promotion of peace and security in Asia and around the globe.  All of these issues will be on the agenda tomorrow when I meet with President Hu.

And in 1979, the connections among our people were limited. Today, we see the curiosity of those ping-pong players manifested in the ties that are being forged across many sectors.  The second highest number of foreign students in the United States come from China, and we've seen a 50 percent increase in the study of Chinese among our own students.  There are nearly 200 "friendship cities" drawing our communities together.  American and Chinese scientists cooperate on new research and discovery.  And of course, Yao Ming is just one signal of our shared love of basketball -- I'm only sorry that I won't be able to see a Shanghai Sharks game while I'm visiting.

It is no coincidence that the relationship between our countries has accompanied a period of positive change.  China has lifted hundreds of millions of people out of poverty -- an accomplishment unparalleled in human history -- while playing a larger role in global events.  And the United States has seen our economy grow along with the standard of living enjoyed by our people, while bringing the Cold War to a successful conclusion.

There is a Chinese proverb:  "Consider the past, and you shall know the future."  Surely, we have known setbacks and challenges over the last 30 years.  Our relationship has not been without disagreement and difficulty.  But the notion that we must be adversaries is not predestined -- not when we consider the past.  Indeed, because of our cooperation, both the United States and China are more prosperous and more secure.  We have seen what is possible when we build upon our mutual interests, and engage on the basis of mutual respect.

And yet the success of that engagement depends upon understanding -- on sustaining an open dialogue, and learning about one another and from one another.  For just as that American table tennis player pointed out -- we share much in common as human beings, but our countries are different in certain ways. 

I believe that each country must chart its own course.  China is an ancient nation, with a deeply rooted culture.  The United States, by comparison, is a young nation, whose culture is determined by the many different immigrants who have come to our shores, and by the founding documents that guide our democracy.

Those documents put forward a simple vision of human affairs, and they enshrine several core principles -- that all men and women are created equal, and possess certain fundamental rights; that government should reflect the will of the people and respond to their wishes; that commerce should be open, information freely accessible; and that laws, and not simply men, should guarantee the administration of justice.

Of course, the story of our nation is not without its difficult chapters.  In many ways -- over many years -- we have struggled to advance the promise of these principles to all of our people, and to forge a more perfect union.  We fought a very painful civil war, and freed a portion of our population from slavery.  It took time for women to be extended the right to vote, workers to win the right to organize, and for immigrants from different corners of the globe to be fully embraced.  Even after they were freed, African Americans persevered through conditions that were separate and not equal, before winning full and equal rights.

None of this was easy.  But we made progress because of our belief in those core principles, which have served as our compass through the darkest of storms.  That is why Lincoln could stand up in the midst of civil war and declare it a struggle to see whether any nation, conceived in liberty, and "dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal" could long endure. That is why Dr. Martin Luther King could stand on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial and ask that our nation live out the true meaning of its creed.  That's why immigrants from China to Kenya could find a home on our shores; why opportunity is available to all who would work for it; and why someone like me, who less than 50 years ago would have had trouble voting in some parts of America, is now able to serve as its President.

And that is why America will always speak out for these core principles around the world.   We do not seek to impose any system of government on any other nation, but we also don't believe that the principles that we stand for are unique to our nation.  These freedoms of expression and worship -- of access to information and political participation -- we believe are universal rights.  They should be available to all people, including ethnic and religious minorities -- whether they are in the United States, China, or any nation.  Indeed, it is that respect for universal rights that guides America's openness to other countries; our respect for different cultures; our commitment to international law; and our faith in the future.

These are all things that you should know about America.  I also know that we have much to learn about China.  Looking around at this magnificent city -- and looking around this room -- I do believe that our nations hold something important in common, and that is a belief in the future.  Neither the United States nor China is content to rest on our achievements.  For while China is an ancient nation, you are also clearly looking ahead with confidence, ambition, and a commitment to see that tomorrow's generation can do better than today's.

In addition to your growing economy, we admire China's extraordinary commitment to science and research -- a commitment borne out in everything from the infrastructure you build to the technology you use.  China is now the world's largest Internet user -- which is why we were so pleased to include the Internet as a part of today's event.  This country now has the world's largest mobile phone network, and it is investing in the new forms of energy that can both sustain growth and combat climate change -- and I'm looking forward to deepening the partnership between the United States and China in this critical area tomorrow.  But above all, I see China's future in you -- young people whose talent and dedication and dreams will do so much to help shape the 21st century.

I've said many times that I believe that our world is now fundamentally interconnected.  The jobs we do, the prosperity we build, the environment we protect, the security that we seek -- all of these things are shared.  And given that interconnection, power in the 21st century is no longer a zero-sum game; one country's success need not come at the expense of another.  And that is why the United States insists we do not seek to contain China's rise.  On the contrary, we welcome China as a strong and prosperous and successful member of the community of nations -- a China that draws on the rights, strengths, and creativity of individual Chinese like you.

To return to the proverb -- consider the past.  We know that more is to be gained when great powers cooperate than when they collide.  That is a lesson that human beings have learned time and again, and that is the example of the history between our nations.  And I believe strongly that cooperation must go beyond our government.  It must be rooted in our people -- in the studies we share, the business that we do, the knowledge that we gain, and even in the sports that we play.  And these bridges must be built by young men and women just like you and your counterparts in America.

That's why I'm pleased to announce that the United States will dramatically expand the number of our students who study in China to 100,000.  And these exchanges mark a clear commitment to build ties among our people, as surely as you will help determine the destiny of the 21st century.  And I'm absolutely confident that America has no better ambassadors to offer than our young people.  For they, just like you, are filled with talent and energy and optimism about the history that is yet to be written.

So let this be the next step in the steady pursuit of cooperation that will serve our nations, and the world.  And if there's one thing that we can take from today's dialogue, I hope that it is a commitment to continue this dialogue going forward.

So thank you very much.  And I look forward now to taking some questions from all of you.  Thank you very much.  (Applause.)

So -- I just want to make sure this works.  This is a tradition, by the way, that is very common in the United States at these town hall meetings.  And what we're going to do is I will just -- if you are interested in asking a question, you can raise your hands.  I will call on you.  And then I will alternate between a question from the audience and an Internet question from one of the students who prepared the questions, as well as I think Ambassador Huntsman may have a question that we were able to obtain from the Web site of our embassy.

So let me begin, though, by seeing -- and then what I'll do is I'll call on a boy and then a girl and then -- so we'll go back and forth, so that you know it's fair.  All right?  So I'll start with this young lady right in the front.  Why don't we wait for this microphone so everyone can hear you.  And what's your name?

Q    My name is (inaudible) and I am a student from Fudan University.  Shanghai and Chicago have been sister cities since 1985, and these two cities have conduct a wide range of economic, political, and cultural exchanges.  So what measures will you take to deepen this close relationship between cities of the United States and China?  And Shanghai will hold the World Exposition next year.  Will you bring your family to visit the Expo?  Thank you.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, thank you very much for the question.  I was just having lunch before I came here with the Mayor of Shanghai, and he told me that he has had an excellent relationship with the city of Chicago -- my home town -- that he's visited there twice.  And I think it's wonderful to have these exchanges between cities.

One of the things that I discussed with the Mayor is how both cities can learn from each other on strategies around clean energy, because one of the issues that ties China and America together is how, with an expanding population and a concern for climate change, that we're able to reduce our carbon footprint.  And obviously in the United States and many developed countries, per capita, per individual, they are already using much more energy than each individual here in China.  But as China grows and expands, it's going to be using more energy as well.  So both countries have a great interest in finding new strategies.

We talked about mass transit and the excellent rail lines that are being developed in Shanghai.  I think we can learn in Chicago and the United States some of the fine work that's being done on high-speed rail. 

In the United States, I think we are learning how to develop buildings that use much less energy, that are much more energy-efficient.  And I know that with Shanghai, as I traveled and I saw all the cranes and all the new buildings that are going up, it's very important for us to start incorporating these new technologies so that each building is energy-efficient when it comes to lighting, when it comes to heating.  And so it's a terrific opportunity I think for us to learn from each other.

I know this is going to be a major focus of the Shanghai  World Expo, is the issue of clean energy, as I learned from the Mayor.  And so I would love to attend.  I'm not sure yet what my schedule is going to be, but I'm very pleased that we're going to have an excellent U.S. pavilion at the Expo, and I understand that we expect as many as 70 million visitors here.  So it's going to be very crowded and it's going to be very exciting.

Chicago has had two world expos in its history, and both of those expos ended up being tremendous boosts for the city.  So I'm sure the same thing will happen here in Shanghai.

Thank you.  (Applause.)

Why don't we get one of the questions from the Internet?  And introduce yourself, in case --

Q    First shall I say it in Chinese, and then the English, okay?

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Yes.

Q    I want to pose a question from the Internet.  I want to thank you, Mr. President, for visiting China in your first year in office, and exchange views with us in China.  I want to know what are you bringing to China, your visit to China this time, and what will you bring back to the United States?  (Applause.)

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  The main purpose of my trip is to deepen my understanding of China and its vision for the future.  I have had several meetings now with President Hu.  We participated together in the G20 that was dealing with the economic financial crisis.  We have had consultations about a wide range of issues. But I think it's very important for the United States to continually deepen its understanding of China, just as it's important for China to continually deepen its understanding of the United States.

In terms of what I'd like to get out of this meeting, or this visit, in addition to having the wonderful opportunity to see the Forbidden City and the Great Wall, and to meet with all of you -- these are all highlights -- but in addition to that, the discussions that I intend to have with President Hu speak to the point that Ambassador Huntsman made earlier, which is there are very few global challenges that can be solved unless the United States and China agree. 

So let me give you a specific example, and that is the issue we were just discussing of climate change.  The United States and China are the world's two largest emitters of greenhouse gases, of carbon that is causing the planet to warm.  Now, the United States, as a highly developed country, as I said before, per capita, consumes much more energy and emits much more greenhouse gases for each individual than does China.  On the other hand, China is growing at a much faster pace and it has a much larger population.  So unless both of our countries are willing to take critical steps in dealing with this issue, we will not be able to resolve it. 

There's going to be a Copenhagen conference in December in which world leaders are trying to find a recipe so that we can all make commitments that are differentiated so each country would not have the same obligations -- obviously China, which has much more poverty, should not have to do exactly the same thing as the United States -- but all of us should have these certain obligations in terms of what our plan will be to reduce these greenhouse gases. 

So that's an example of what I hope to get out of this meeting -- a meeting of the minds between myself and President Hu about how together the United States and China can show leadership.  Because I will tell you, other countries around the world will be waiting for us.  They will watch to see what we do. And if they say, ah, you know, the United States and China, they're not serious about this, then they won't be serious either.  That is the burden of leadership that both of our countries now carry.  And my hope is, is that the more discussion and dialogue that we have, the more we are able to show this leadership to the world on these many critical issues.  Okay?  (Applause.)

All right, it's a -- I think it must be a boy's turn now.  Right?  So I'll call on this young man right here.

Q    (As translated.)  Mr. President, good afternoon.  I'm from Tongji University.  I want to cite a saying from Confucius: "It is always good to have a friend coming from afar."  In Confucius books, there is a great saying which says that harmony is good, but also we uphold differences.  China advocates a harmonious world.  We know that the United States develops a culture that features diversity.  I want to know, what will your government do to build a diversified world with different cultures?  What would you do to respect the different cultures and histories of other countries?  And what kinds of cooperation we can conduct in the future?

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  This is an excellent point.  The United States, one of our strengths is that we are a very diverse culture.  We have people coming from all around the world.  And so there's no one definition of what an American looks like.  In my own family, I have a father who was from Kenya; I have a mother who was from Kansas, in the Midwest of the United States; my sister is half-Indonesian; she's married to a Chinese person from Canada.  So when you see family gatherings in the Obama household, it looks like the United Nations.  (Laughter.)

And that is a great strength of the United States, because it means that we learn from different cultures and different foods and different ideas, and that has made us a much more dynamic society.

Now, what is also true is that each country in this interconnected world has its own culture and its own history and its own traditions.  And I think it's very important for the United States not to assume that what is good for us is automatically good for somebody else.  And we have to have some modesty about our attitudes towards other countries.

I have to say, though, as I said in my opening remarks, that we do believe that there are certain fundamental principles that are common to all people, regardless of culture.  So, for example, in the United Nations we are very active in trying to make sure that children all around the world are treated with certain basic rights -- that if children are being exploited, if there's forced labor for children, that despite the fact that that may have taken place in the past in many different countries, including the United States, that all countries of the world now should have developed to the point where we are treating children better than we did in the past.  That's a universal value.

I believe, for example, the same thing holds true when it comes to the treatment of women.  I had a very interesting discussion with the Mayor of Shanghai during lunch right before I came, and he informed me that in many professions now here in China, there are actually more women enrolled in college than there are men, and that they are doing very well.  I think that is an excellent indicator of progress, because it turns out that if you look at development around the world, one of the best indicators of whether or not a country does well is how well it educates its girls and how it treats its women.  And countries that are tapping into the talents and the energy of women and giving them educations typically do better economically than countries that don't.

So, now, obviously difficult cultures may have different attitudes about the relationship between men and women, but I think it is the view of the United States that it is important for us to affirm the rights of women all around the world.  And if we see certain societies in which women are oppressed, or they are not getting opportunities, or there is violence towards women, we will speak out.

Now, there may be some people who disagree with us, and we can have a dialogue about that.  But we think it's important, nevertheless, to be true to our ideals and our values.  And we -- and when we do so, though, we will always do so with the humility and understanding that we are not perfect and that we still have much progress to make.  If you talk to women in America, they will tell you that there are still men who have a lot of old-fashioned ideas about the role of women in society.  And so we don't claim that we have solved all these problems, but we do think that it's important for us to speak out on behalf of these universal ideals and these universal values.

Okay?  All right.  We're going to take a question from the Internet.

Q    Hello, Mr. President.  It's a great honor to be here and meet you in person.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you.

Q    I will be reading a question selected on the Internet to you, and this question is from somebody from Taiwan.  In his question, he said:  I come from Taiwan.  Now I am doing business on the mainland.  And due to improved cross-straits relations in recent years, my business in China is doing quite well.  So when I heard the news that some people in America would like to propose -- continue selling arms and weapons to Taiwan, I begin to get pretty worried.  I worry that this may make our cross-straits relations suffer.  So I would like to know if, Mr. President, are you supportive of improved cross-straits relations?  And although this question is from a businessman, actually, it's a question of keen concern to all of us young Chinese students, so we'd really like to know your position on this question.  Thank you.  (Applause.)

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you.  Well, I have been clear in the past that my administration fully supports a one-China policy, as reflected in the three joint communiqués that date back several decades, in terms of our relations with Taiwan as well as our relations with the People's Republic of China.  We don't want to change that policy and that approach. 

I am very pleased with the reduction of tensions and the improvement in cross-straits relations, and it is my deep desire and hope that we will continue to see great improvement between Taiwan and the rest of -- and the People's Republic in resolving many of these issues. 

One of the things that I think that the United States, in terms of its foreign policy and its policy with respect to China, is always seeking is ways that through dialogue and negotiations, problems can be solved.  We always think that's the better course.  And I think that economic ties and commercial ties that are taking place in this region are helping to lower a lot of the tensions that date back before you were born or even before I was born. 

Now, there are some people who still look towards the past when it comes to these issues, as opposed to looking towards the future.  I prefer to look towards the future.  And as I said, I think the commercial ties that are taking place -- there's something about when people think that they can do business and make money that makes them think very clearly and not worry as much about ideology.  And I think that that's starting to happen in this region, and we are very supportive of that process.  Okay?

Let's see, it's a girl's turn now, right?  Yes, right there. Yes.  Hold on, let's get -- whoops, I'm sorry, they took the mic back here.  I'll call on you next. 

Go ahead, and then I'll go up here later.  Go ahead.

Q    Thank you. 

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  I'll call on you later.  But I'll on her first and then I'll call on you afterwards. 

Go ahead.

Q    Okay, thank you.  Mr. President, I'm a student from Shanghai Jiao Tong University.  I have a question concerning the Nobel Prize for Peace.  In your opinion, what's the main reason that you were honored the Nobel Prize for Peace?  And will it give you more responsibility and pressure to -- more pressure and the responsibility to promote world peace?  And will it bring you -- will it influence your ideas while dealing with the international affairs?  Thank you very much.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you.  That was an excellent question.  I have to say that nobody was more surprised than me about winning the Nobel Prize for Peace.  Obviously it's a great honor.  I don't believe necessarily that it's an honor I deserve, given the extraordinary history of people who have won the prize. All I can do is to, with great humility, accept the fact that I think the committee was inspired by the American people and the possibilities of changing not only America but also America's approach to the world.  And so in some ways I think they gave me the prize but I was more just a symbol of the shift in our approach to world affairs that we are trying to promote.

In terms of the burden that I feel, I am extraordinarily honored to be put in the position of President.  And as my wife always reminds me when I complain that I'm working too hard, she says, you volunteered for this job.  (Laughter.)  And so you -- there's a saying -- I don't know if there's a similar saying in China -- we have a saying:  "You made your bed, now you have to sleep in it."  And it basically means you have to be careful what you ask for because you might get it.

I think that all of us have obligations for trying to promote peace in the world.  It's not always easy to do.  There are still a lot of conflicts in the world that are -- date back for centuries.  If you look at the Middle East, there are wars and conflict that are rooted in arguments going back a thousand years.  In many parts of the world -- let's say, in the continent of Africa -- there are ethnic and tribal conflicts that are very hard to resolve. 

And obviously, right now, as President of the United States, part of my job is to serve as Commander-in-Chief, and my first priority is to protect the American people.  And because of the attacks on 9/11 and the terrorism that has been taking place around the world where innocent people are being killed, it is my obligation to make sure that we root out these terrorist organizations, and that we cooperate with other countries in terms of dealing with this kind of violence.

Nevertheless, although I don't think that we can ever completely eliminate violence between nations or between peoples, I think that we can definitely reduce the violence between peoples -- through dialogue, through the exchange of ideas, through greater understanding between peoples and between cultures. 

And particularly now when just one individual can detonate a bomb that causes so much destruction, it is more important than ever that we pursue these strategies for peace.  Technology is a powerful instrument for good, but it has also given the possibility for just a few people to cause enormous damage.  And that's why I'm hopeful that in my meetings with President Hu and on an ongoing basis, both the United States and China can work together to try to reduce conflicts that are taking place.

We have to do so, though, also keeping in mind that when we use our military, because we're such big and strong countries, that we have to be self-reflective about what we do; that we have to examine our own motives and our own interests to make sure that we are not simply using our military forces because nobody can stop us.  That's a burden that great countries, great powers, have, is to act responsibly in the community of nations.  And my hope is, is that the United States and China together can help to create an international norms that reduce conflict around the world.  (Applause.)

Okay.  All right?  Jon -- I'm going to call on my Ambassador because I think he has a question that was generated through the Web site of our embassy.  This was selected, though, by I think one of the members of our U.S. press corps so that --

AMBASSADOR HUNTSMAN:  That's right.  And not surprisingly, "in a country with 350 million Internet users and 60 million bloggers, do you know of the firewall?"  And second, "should we be able to use Twitter freely" -- is the question.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, first of all, let me say that I have never used Twitter. (插一句，twitter上那个BarackObama的号得瞬间被unfollow多少啊……再插一句，那个号自从Obama到中国后至今还没更新过~) I noticed that young people -- they're very busy with all these electronics.  My thumbs are too clumsy to type in things on the phone.  But I am a big believer in technology and I'm a big believer in openness when it comes to the flow of information.  I think that the more freely information flows, the stronger the society becomes, because then citizens of countries around the world can hold their own governments accountable.  They can begin to think for themselves. That generates new ideas.  It encourages creativity. 

And so I've always been a strong supporter of open Internet use.  I'm a big supporter of non-censorship.  This is part of the tradition of the United States that I discussed before, and I recognize that different countries have different traditions.  I can tell you that in the United States, the fact that we have free Internet -- or unrestricted Internet access is a source of strength, and I think should be encouraged.

Now, I should tell you, I should be honest, as President of the United States, there are times where I wish information didn't flow so freely because then I wouldn't have to listen to people criticizing me all the time.  I think people naturally are -- when they're in positions of power sometimes thinks, oh, how could that person say that about me, or that's irresponsible, or -- but the truth is that because in the United States information is free, and I have a lot of critics in the United States who can say all kinds of things about me, I actually think that that makes our democracy stronger and it makes me a better leader because it forces me to hear opinions that I don't want to hear. It forces me to examine what I'm doing on a day-to-day basis to see, am I really doing the very best that I could be doing for the people of the United States. 

And I think the Internet has become an even more powerful tool for that kind of citizen participation.  In fact, one of the reasons that I won the presidency was because we were able to mobilize young people like yourself to get involved through the Internet.  Initially, nobody thought we could win because we didn't have necessarily the most wealthy supporters; we didn't have the most powerful political brokers.  But through the Internet, people became excited about our campaign and they started to organize and meet and set up campaign activities and events and rallies.  And it really ended up creating the kind of bottom-up movement that allowed us to do very well.

Now, that's not just true in -- for government and politics. It's also true for business.  You think about a company like Google that only 20 years ago was -- less than 20 years ago was the idea of a couple of people not much older than you.  It was a science project.  And suddenly because of the Internet, they were able to create an industry that has revolutionized commerce all around the world.  So if it had not been for the freedom and the openness that the Internet allows, Google wouldn't exist. 

So I'm a big supporter of not restricting Internet use, Internet access, other information technologies like Twitter.  The more open we are, the more we can communicate.  And it also helps to draw the world together. 

Think about -- when I think about my daughters, Malia and Sasha -- one is 11, one is 8 -- from their room, they can get on the Internet and they can travel to Shanghai.  They can go anyplace in the world and they can learn about anything they want to learn about.  And that's just an enormous power that they have.  And that helps, I think, promote the kind of understanding that we talked about.

Now, as I said before, there's always a downside to technology.  It also means that terrorists are able to organize on the Internet in ways that they might not have been able to do before.  Extremists can mobilize.  And so there's some price that you pay for openness, there's no denying that.  But I think that the good outweighs the bad so much that it's better to maintain that openness.  And that's part of why I'm so glad that the Internet was part of this forum.  Okay?

I'm going to take two more questions.  And the next one is from a gentleman, I think.  Right here, yes.  Here's the microphone.

Q    First, I would like to say that it is a great honor for me to stand here to ask you the questions.  I think I am so lucky and just appreciate that your speech is so clear that I really do not need such kind of headset.  (Laughter.) 

And here comes my question.  My name is (inaudible) from Fudan University School of Management.  And I would like to ask you the question -- is that now that someone has asked you something about the Nobel Peace Prize, but I will not ask you in the same aspect.  I want to ask you in the other aspect that since it is very hard for you to get such kind of an honorable prize, and I wonder and we all wonder that -- how you struggled to get it.  And what's your university/college education that brings you to get such kind of prizes?  We are very curious about it and we would like to invite you to share with us your campus education experiences so as to go on the road of success. 

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Well, first of all, let me tell you that I don't know if there's a curriculum or course of study that leads you to win the Nobel Peace Prize.  (Laughter.)  So I can't guarantee that.  But I think the recipe for success is the one that you are already following.  Obviously all of you are working very hard, you're studying very hard.  You're curious.  You're willing to think about new ideas and think for yourself.  You know, the people who I meet now that I find most inspiring who are successful I think are people who are not only willing to work very hard but are constantly trying to improve themselves and to think in new ways, and not just accept the conventional wisdom.

Obviously there are many different paths to success, and some of you are going to be going into government service; some of you might want to be teachers or professors; some of you might want to be businesspeople.  But I think that whatever field you go into, if you're constantly trying to improve and never satisfied with not having done your best, and constantly asking new questions -- "Are there things that I could be doing differently?  Are there new approaches to problems that nobody has thought of before, whether it's in science or technology or in the arts? -- those are usually the people who I think are able to rise about the rest.

The one last piece of advice, though, that I would have that has been useful for me is the people who I admire the most and are most successful, they're not just thinking only about themselves but they're also thinking about something larger than themselves.  So they want to make a contribution to society.  They want to make a contribution to their country, their nation, their city.  They are interested in having an impact beyond their own immediate lives.

I think so many of us, we get caught up with wanting to make money for ourselves and have a nice car and have a nice house and -- all those things are important, but the people who really make their mark on the world is because they have a bigger ambition.  They say, how can I help feed hungry people?  Or, how can I help to teach children who don't have an education?  Or, how can I bring about peaceful resolution of conflicts?  Those are the people I think who end up making such a big difference in the world.  And I'm sure that young people like you are going to be able to make that kind of difference as long as you keep working the way you've been working.

All right?  All right, this is going to be the last question, unfortunately.  We've run out of time so quickly.  Our last Internet question, because I want to make sure that we got all three of our fine students here.

Q    Mr. President, it's a great honor for the last question.  And I'm a college student from Fudan University, and today I'm also the representative of China's Youth (inaudible.)  And this question I think is from Beijing:  Paid great attention to your Afghanistan policies, and he would like to know whether terrorism is still the greatest security concern for the United States?  And how do you assess the military actions in Afghanistan, or whether it will turn into another Iraqi war?  Thank you very much.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  I think that's an excellent question.  Well, first of all, I do continue to believe that the greatest threat to United States' security are the terrorist networks like al Qaeda.  And the reason is, is because even though they are small in number, what they have shown is, is that they have no conscience when it comes to the destruction of innocent civilians.  And because of technology today, if an organization like that got a weapon of mass destruction on its hands -- a nuclear or a chemical or a biological weapon -- and they used it in a city, whether it's in Shanghai or New York, just a few individuals could potentially kill tens of thousands of people, maybe hundreds of thousands.  So it really does pose an extraordinary threat.

Now, the reason we originally went into Afghanistan was because al Qaeda was in Afghanistan, being hosted by the Taliban. They have now moved over the border of Afghanistan and they are in Pakistan now, but they continue to have networks with other extremist organizations in that region.  And I do believe that it is important for us to stabilize Afghanistan so that the people of Afghanistan can protect themselves, but they can also be a partner in reducing the power of these extremist networks.

Now, obviously it is a very difficult thing -- one of the hardest things about my job is ordering young men and women into the battlefield.  I often have to meet with the mothers and fathers of the fallen, those who do not come home.  And it is a great weight on me.  It gives me a heavy heart. 

Fortunately, our Armed Services is -- the young men and women who participate, they believe so strongly in their service to their country that they are willing to go.  And I think that it is possible -- working in a broader coalition with our allies in NATO and others that are contributing like Australia -- to help train the Afghans so that they have a functioning government, that they have their own security forces, and then slowly we can begin to pull our troops out because there's no longer that vacuum that existed after the Taliban left.

But it's a difficult task.  It's not easy.  And ultimately I think in trying to defeat these terrorist extremists, it's important to understand it's not just a military exercise.  We also have to think about what motivates young people to become terrorists, why would they become suicide bombers.  And although there are obviously a lot of different reasons, including I think the perversion of religion, in thinking that somehow these kinds of violent acts are appropriate, part of what's happened in places like Pakistan and Afghanistan is these young people have no education, they have no opportunities, and so they see no way for them to move forward in life, and that leads them into thinking that this is their only option.

And so part of what we want to do in Afghanistan is to find ways that we can train teachers and create schools and improve agriculture so that people have a greater sense of hope.  That won't change the ideas of a Osama bin Laden who are very ideologically fixed on trying to strike at the West, but it will change the pool of young people who they can recruit from.  And that is at least as important, if not more important over time, as whatever military actions that we can take.  Okay?

All right, I have had a wonderful time.  I am so grateful to all of you.  First of all, let me say I'm very impressed with all of your English.  Clearly you've been studying very hard.  And having a chance to meet with all of you I think has given me great hope for the future of U.S.-China relations. 

I hope that many of you have the opportunity to come and travel and visit the United States.  You will be welcome.  I think you will find that the American people feel very warmly towards the people of China.  And I am very confident that, with young people like yourselves and the young people that I know in the United States, that our two great countries will continue to prosper and help to bring about a more peaceful and secure world.

So thank you very much everybody.  Thank you.  (Applause.)

END

2:08 P.M. CST

 

====================空军一号穿越华东抵达帝都的分割线=======================

 

小马哥进京了，迎接他的是一排闪亮的刺刀~

让你丫和洪博培不听话，唱双簧。

 

====================与未来国母的老公打哈哈的分割线========================

 

 

看完我党三军仪仗之背面，再来看看正面（胡core在人民大会堂北大厅举行的欢迎仪式）

——我丫瞪不死你（此图绝非PS，不信可去各大新闻网站的专题图片中寻找。只不过可能没这张清晰，特此感谢sophia~）：

 

 

 

=====================走马观花逛故宫的分割线============================

 

最后，让我们看看华盛顿邮报怎么说：

 

Obama backs non-censorship; Beijing, apparently, does not

 

 

By Keith B. Richburg

Washington Post Staff Writer
Monday, November 16, 2009; 1:20 PM

 

 

BEIJING -- President Obama, taking questions Monday from government-selected students at a town hall-style meeting in Shanghai, called himself "a big supporter of non-censorship." But the Beijing government, apparently, is not, and most Chinese never got to hear or read what Obama said.

 

His talk to the students was never mentioned on China's main official 7 p.m. news broadcast. The session was broadcast live only on a single small Shanghai television station -- and that station's Web site switched to a children's program instead of live-streaming the president's event. And most news Web sites deleted stories about Obama taking a question on Internet freedom.

The 7 p.m. news broadcast of CCTV is the most influential in China, reflecting the official government line and serving as the main source of television news for most people outside the major cities. But Obama's arrival in Shanghai was not even the lead story -- it was seventh in a line of stories that began with one on President Hu Jintao returning from the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum in Singapore.

When CCTV did mention Obama's visit, well into the broadcast, it was in a story of less than a minute that just noted his airport arrival and his meeting with the mayor of Shanghai. There was not a word about the forum with students, which the White House had billed as the marquee event of Obama's first trip to China.

Obama was asked what he thought about the Chinese government blocking several Internet international sites, such as Facebook, Twitter and YouTube, as well as critical news sites. "I've always been a strong supporter of open Internet use," Obama said.

The question, and Obama's answer, appeared almost immediately as a top news story on the official New China News Agency, known here as Xinhua, as well on as several popular Chinese Web sites.

But about an hour later, the stories about Obama embracing Internet freedom disappeared.

The sina.com site, for example, initially ran the story under the headline: "Obama: The Internet is a tool for becoming stronger and citizens can participate." An hour later, anyone going to that link got the message, "Cannot find the page."

The news was also deleted from Xinhua, which initially posted a story about Obama's answer on Internet censorship but later carried a notice that said, "Sorry! The news you are checking has been deleted or expired."

Even the students who posed questions to Obama were pre-selected, and most appeared to be members of the Chinese Communist Party Youth League. Afterward, some of them, when contacted by a reporter, criticized Obama's statements about Internet censorship, even while saying they were generally pleased having seen the U.S. president up close.

"I strongly disagree with what Obama said about the Internet firewall," said Tao Weishuo, a 24-year old postgraduate student from Fudan University. "I think all Chinese people have Internet freedom -- we can speak out freely on the Internet about current social affairs." He said the question to him came from a Web site outside China. （亮点出现）

Still, Tao said he was impressed. "I think he is kind and warm," Tao said.

Guo Ruijie, a senior majoring in English at Tongji University, said Obama "doesn't have big president airs. When he gave his speech on the stage, he was walking around like going for a walk with his caged birds. He gave me the impression that he is very amiable and easy to approach and close to people, and he cares a lot about the next generation."

 

While Obama was speaking inside, a small group of fans waited outside hoping for a glimpse of the president or his motorcade. They included Chinese students and some young Americans studying in China.

"I really agree with Obama's slogan, 'change' " said Jiang Yimeng, 19-year-old high school graduate. "I think the U.S. is more open than China. I'm now applying to universities in the United States. I really want to go to the George Washington University, which is just opposite the White House."

She added, "I also heard that the White House is open to public, and normal people can actually see president and his family close up. Obama is so charming and always smiling."

Shi Tingchong, also 19 and a high school graduate, spent a year as an exchange student in Ohio.

"I'm here because I worship him," she said. "I think he is someone who can really listen to us. Chinese government leaders just read from what's written down on documents."

She added, "He is a great black president. After I read his book, 'Dreams From My Father,' I think his road to success was really not easy, and he couldn't achieve success without his excellent eloquence."

Washington Post researchers Liu Liu in Shanghai and Zhang Jie in Beijing contributed to this report.

 

 ======================与胡core胡吃海塞的分割线=================================

 

关于这位心神不宁很傻很天真的Tao Weishuo，一不小心被人肉了：

Students

Tao Weishuo (FDU, Tutor)

SIRPA, Fudan University

Contact
email: luckytws@yahoo.com

Curriculum Vitae
School of International Relations and Public Affairs (S.I.R.P.A.), Fudan University
Education: Candidate for Master of Laws in International Relations, 09/2007-Present, Fudan Univ.
Bachelor of Laws in Political Science and Education, 07/2007, Fudan Univ.
Social Work: Students Counselor and Class Teacher of Fudan College; Working in the Information and News Service Center of Fudan University from Sept. 2006;Member of the organization committee of YICGG 2007; Wangdao Scholar of FDUROP, Fudan University.
 

Proposed research
Lifelong Learning Community in Asia 2020 

 

 ===================Obama & Tao，莫要告我侵犯肖像权的分割线=====================

 

 OVER，各位看官该干嘛干嘛去。

 当然，也可以给Tao同学发个邮件交流一下~

 甚至，可以在校内上搜索“陶韡烁”，加个好友跟他聊聊~

 这位仁兄最近的状态是：“和奥巴马握了手”

 

 

现在我最喜欢的事情
是牵着你的手
融进这六点钟的夕阳
散步在晚风里

 

天边金色的世界
是我心中的故乡
当我只身流浪远方
总是静静照耀我

 

所以我爱你在晚风里
欣喜的容颜
爱这世界的宽广悠远
此刻的天空

 

只有你能真正了解
我风中的沉默

 

有时我会消沉
依然焦虑不安
那是动荡往昔
有些伤痛无法化解

 

你是美丽天使
给我无言守护
使我不安的心
喜悦又平静

 

只有你能真正了解
我风中的沉默